THE MEDWAY MEGALITHS IN A EUROPEAN
CONTEXT
PAUL ASHBEE
The Medway's megalithic long barrows, a uniform series with nearunmatched
lofty rectangular chambers, flanked by commensurate
facades, with considerable barrows contained by stone kerbs, were a
concentration of the most grandiose and impressive structures of
their kind in southern England. Stone-built and earthen long barrows
are of similar intent. Some may be timber translated into stone or vice
versa (Ashbee, 1984,33-54; Clarke, 1982,28). A long barrow's timber
chamber, preserved by anaerobic conditions in the Cambridgeshire
Fens (Haddenham, Hodder and Shand, 1988) was of slab construction,
a clear copy of a stone edifice.
Neither of the Medway's groups of long barrows, those on Blue
Bell Hill and their fellows on the western side, clusters upon a
causewayed enclosure as in Wessex (Ashbee, 1978, 83, fig. 22). Such
an enclosure could, however, have been on low ground by the
Medway (Mercer, 1990; Tilley, 1996,279-84). One may remain to be
discovered or have long since been destroyed by gravel extraction.
Their close-knit siting is, however, characteristic of the Northern
European mainland (Midgley, 1985, 205). Although of stone, they
have been included in the predominantly southern and eastern
distribution of earthen long barrows (Ashbee, 1984, figs. 1,2) and are
at no great distance from the European mainland's Channel coast.
THE MEDWAY AND THE EUROPEAN MAINLAND
On the European mainland long barrows, and their like, congregate at
the periphery of the loess lands, which were settled by early Neolithic
farmers, the Linear Pottery (Linearbandkeramik, the abbreviation
LBK is preferred to the English translation) people (Whittle, 1994,
154-66; 1996, 144-52, passim). Their husbandry was a stable
specialisation, characterised by a speedy, sustained, spread, as is
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PAUL ASHBEE
attested by widespread similarities of pottery and long-houses.
Indeed, radiocarbon dates from northern Hungary and Holland are
statistically inseparable (Whittle, 1977, 253-55). There are three
principal areas of long barrow proliferation, Northern Europe
(Midgley, 1985; 1992), western France (Daniel, 1960) and Britain
(Piggott, 1954, passim). They were intrinsic to the spread of agriculture
into these regions, a process which gradually and profoundly
changed the life of the Mesolithic indigenes. Long barrows so closely
resemble the long-houses of the LBK people (whence our English
Neolithic agriculture is ultimately derived) that conscious imitation
must have been integral (Ashbee, 1982). Indeed, long barrow ditches
even echo the construction pits which flank certain LBK long-houses
(Ilett, 1984, 28, fig. 2, 12) and the Medway's megalithic long barrows
would, when raised, have been surrogate long-houses (Fig. 1). Patently
their origins result from processes that, largely, developed across the
Dover Straits.
GUI f Y • LLb
C H A U D>A!?C>ES
A I 5 KJ E
F
er-3 fc^ O
iff5 CE=3 O CT2> ©
Fig. 1. LBK houses with flanking construction trenches and pits,
Cuiry-les-Chaudardes, Aisne (after F.P.V.A.)
270
THE MEDWAY MEGALITHS IN A EUROPEAN CONTEXT
The similarity of the Medway's long barrows to the Dutch and
German series was first noticed more than a century ago (Fergusson,
1872, end map). This has, from time to time, been the subject of
reassessment and restatement (Piggott, 1935, 122; 1954,269; Daniel,
1950, 161; 1958, 105). Dispensing with the reinvocation of resemblances,
it is clear that the series, at no great distance from LBK
territory, across a shallower North Sea and narrower Dover Straits, is
an element of the northern TRB megalithic tradition (Midgley, 1992,
406-74), and part of a pan-European, rather than an insular, process.
The abbreviation TRB is from the German Trichterbecherkultur and
is preferable to the cumbrous English usage 'Funnel-necked Beaker
culture'. It is essentially the earliest Neolithic mani- festation in
Northern Europe, observable, despite local variations, as an entity
stretching from the Netherlands to Poland. Our Medway megalithic
long barrows would, initially, have been a modest western expression
of an extensive, dynamic process.
THE DOVER STRAITS
Kent's chalk ridge link with the Pas-de-Calais is likely to have been
breached in mid-Pleistocene times (Roe, 1981, 38, Tab. 1) and,
thereafter, the waters of the Thames, Rhine, Maas and Scheldt flowed
into a Channel river (Gibbard, 1995). In early Holocene times, there
was, because of low sea-level, a river-cut alluvial and gravel floor
linking the chalk, southern North Sea land. As sea-levels rose in early
Mesolithic times there could have been estuarine conditions but,
later, when the LBK farmers spread to the Calais region, the
developing North Sea and Channel combined and there was a marine
regime, with a narrower Channel. In the southern North Sea there was
a complex of alluvial islands and the waters could thus have been
largely smooth, and analogous to those where, today, the Danish
archipelago impedes the Baltic (Coles, 1998, 76, fig. 11; 1999, 56).
Boat crossings would have presented few problems, either directly
cross-Channel or via the estuaries and islands (Clark, 1975, 124; Jacobi,
!982, 14; Christensen, 1999). The waters were essentially a Mesolithic
contact zone for the LBK farmers had land and forest traditions. Indeed,
there may have been a millennium of traffic before the first Neolithic
modes and usages developed upon the Kentish chalklands.
THE KENTISH MESOLITHIC BACKGROUND
Progressive marine transgression and the flooding of the North Sea
271
PAUL ASHBEE
land (Coles, 1998) brought about a considerable regional modification
and diversification of the fundamental Maglemosian technology
and way of life, seen at Star Carr and elsewhere in Britain (Clark,
1954; Jacobi, 1976). A later Mesolithic, characterised by blade and
trapeze flint industries supplanted them. In Kent there are some 250
sites from which identifiable flintwork has been collected (Wymer,
1977, 143-61). The general pattern which emerges is of bases, supplemented
by periodically used sites for particular intentions and
activities (Binford, 1980). There was extensive use of organic materials
for tools and appliances. Antler, bone, bark, vegetable fibres,
and the like, are preserved in water-logged conditions such as might
have obtained, in Kent, for example, at Lower Halstow (Jessup, 1930,
41; Clark, 1932, 63-5; 1936, 158; Jacobi, 1982, 14), but which are
absent from sandy contexts such as Addington (Jacobi, 1982, 16;
Drewett, et al, 1988, 11-23). Although a degree of technological
impoverishment, brought about by separation from the European
mainland, has been claimed for these Mesolithic communities, a shallow
North Sea and a narrower Dover Straits would hardly have been
a barrier to their not unsophisticated activities and boats.
In Kent there are grounds, radiocarbon dates (Jacobi, 1982, 22) and
the apparent association of Mesolithic material with such as the
Addington Chestnuts long barrow (Alexander, 1961, 3), for seeing
the hunter-gatherer groups as contemporary with those practising
agriculture. Side by side they could, for long, have exploited discrete
areas, even within a limited environment. Indeed, Neolithic sites
such as Grovehurst (Payne, 1880, 122), Wingham (Greenfield, 1960,
58) or those, mostly pits, in the vicinity of Deal (Dunning, 1966),
detailed below, might even have been those of pottery-using Mesolithic
peoples comparable with the Ertebolle groups of the Baltic
lands (Clark, 1975, 180-98). The Neolithic would have been the
eventual outcome of centuries of cultural contact between the LBK
farmers of north-eastern France and the Mesolithic communities of
what is now Kent.
As at the Chestnuts (Alexander, 1961, 3), considerable spreads of
Mesolithic flintwork have been encountered in intimate association
with a number of long barrows, notably Hazleton North and Gwernvale,
members of the Cotswold-Severn series (Saville, 1990) and
Kilham, in Yorkshire (Manby, 1976, 133-7). Although, in archaeological
terms, these would appear to have been the activities of
exclusive societies, the notion of lengthy contact, leading to acculturation,
should not be lost sight of. Whereas the associations could be
considered as fortuitous, particular locations, not all of which appear
as topographically distinct, may have had specific qualities for those
272
THE MEDWAY MEGALITHS IN A EUROPEAN CONTEXT
constructing the surrogate long-houses, the long barrows. It is
notable that these examples of lengthy continuity are, as at the
Chestnuts, a product of careful, comprehensive, excavation.
THE CONTACT ZONE
Our islands were scarcely separated from the European mainland
(Wooldridge and Goldring, 1962, 97-9; Coles, 1998, 76, fig.l 1;
1999) when the Mesolithic indigenes from Kent (Wymer, 1977,
143-61; Mellars and Reinhardt, 1978) encountered the LBK farmers,
beyond the much narrower Dover Straits, where the loess lands
extend westwards to Boulogne (Ilett, 1984). This eventually and
gradually led to agrarian endeavours upon eastern Kent's chalklands
and the establishment of earthen long barrows by the Stour. It was an
area distant from the southern Mesolithic heartlands (Mellars and
Reinhardt, 1978, 266, fig.3) but embryo agriculture endowed it with
especial qualities. Its westward spread was rapid and the massive
lynchet upon which Coldrum stands (Bennett, 1913, 83) was ancient
when it was constructed. Julliberrie's Grave (Jessup, 1937; 1939;
Ashbee, 1996) was rectangular and the long barrows by the Medway
are trapezoidal, a possible reflection of the earlier and later LBK
houses.
Unlike the European mainland where contacts between Mesolithic
communities and LBK farmers were upon a broad front, from the
Baltic to the Atlantic, the connections across the Dover Straits would
have brought cereals and cattle to only a small area (Sherratt, 1990,
154, fig.2). Because of the nature of Britain, these, unless there were
multiple links across greater sea distances, would, as elsewhere, have
slowly spread while variations upon the fundamental long barrow
formula evolved. An early extension from East Kent would have been
to the chalklands of the South Downs which are lined with more or
less rectangular long barrows of modest size. Some, which are
associated with causewayed enclosures, constructed prior to 3000 BC,
are at no great remove in length from LBK long-houses (Ashbee,
1984, 27, fig. 17; Drewett et al., 1988, 52).
It is not generally appreciated that loess and loessic soils obtain in
Kent and could have had a role in agricultural initiation (Catt, 1978;
Sheldon, 1982, 1). There are radiocarbon dates from soil profiles
which show early land use in East Kent (Sheldon, 1982, 1) which are
at no great remove from the LBK societies established across the
Dover Straits by about 4000 BC (Ilett, 1984): Nonetheless, direct
archaeological evidence for early Neolithic land-use in the area is
273
PAUL ASHBEE
sadly lacking. Causewayed enclosures on the chalk of the South
Downs were in being at this time (Drewett et al., 1988, 35) as was
comprehensive Neolithic activity in Wessex (Cunliffe, 1993, 36-8,
337-9). Pollen data reflects the clearance of woodland from the
Downs by 1500 BC, if not earlier (Godwin, 1962; Sheldon, 1982, 1),
while land snails from the ancient soil beneath Julliberrie's Grave
(Evans, 1972, 363; 1975, 120) indicate an open environment before
that long barrow was built. Pits, pottery and flintwork from the area
point to established Neolithic communities espoused to Mesolithic
modes (Dunning, 1966; Ashbee, 1982, 135). Their developed farming,
from LBK usages, would have been adaptable and efficient.
It is not possible to point to any one factor that may have promoted
the eventual move away from the hunter-gatherer Mesolithic economy.
Moreover, although particular localities were favoured there
was eventual transition, in varying degrees, wherever Mesolithic
peoples encountered the LBK farmers (Alexander, 1978; Sherratt,
1990; Midgley, 1992). In south-eastern England forest burning and
subsequent shrub growth could have led to a progressive decline in
the efficiency of long established hunting procedures. Also domesticates
could, in the beginning, have had a measure of prestige because
of their association with an alien, seemingly superior, system. From
the first contacts onwards, social and ideological institutions would
have been modified to accommodate the innovations. The initial domesticates,
tentatively deployed, ultimately unmade the Mesolithic
subsistence economy.
Although the Dover Straits were a frontier for the LBK peoples of
north-eastern France and, for that matter, of south-eastern England, it
is apposite to ask why the farmers never spilled over onto the loessic
soils of East Kent? The terrain was not dissimilar while the narrow
seas were scarcely an insuperable barrier. It is likely, however, that in
Kent, and beyond, the Mesolithic foragers were numerous and wedded
to their particular usages. Thus, despite a millennium of cross-frontier
contact, LBK incursions may have been discouraged. That is until they
devised their own agricultural methodologies which involved surrogate
long-house shrines, the long barrows.
EARLIER NEOLITHIC KENT
Apart from the long barrows, as yet undated, the evidence for earlier
Neolithic activity in Kent is no more than isolated pits and artefact
scatters (Smith, 1974, 104). One such site, Grovehurst, has been
known since the later nineteenth century (Payne, 1880, 1-22; 1893,
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THE MEDWAY MEGALITHS IN A EUROPEAN CONTEXT
1-6) and at that time was thought of as a series of sunken huts. Payne
(1893) wrote as follows:-
'Here we found .... the floors of their dwellings, upon which were strewn
stone and flint implements of every conceivable pattern, lying side by side
with hundreds of splinters, chips and flakes, which had been struck off in the
process of their manufacture. Rude pottery of the coarsest description was
occasionally met with, together with skulls, bones, horns, etc., of the ox, the
debris doubtless of daily meals. A remarkably interesting feature was the
finding of several rubbers of sandstone for polishing stone celts, also a large
block of the same kind of stone, which had been much worn by friction ....
the fragments [of pottery] preserved were all of the coarsest kind and devoid
of ornamentation. In some instances the pottery was half an inch in
thickness, the clay having been mixed with a considerable quantity of grains
of flint.'
Stuart Piggott considered the blackish flint-gritted ware fragments
as all of one pot, with an original diameter of about 1ft and a
thickened rim, in some places lightly turned over, below which, at
intervals, were perforations (1932, 138). A fragment of reddish ware
could have been from a round base. At a later juncture he indicated its
possible TRB, northern European, affinities (1954, 314). Although it
was thought of as of the Ebbsfleet series its earlier Neolithic
affinities can be accepted (Smith, 1954, 228).
At Wingham (Greenfield, 1961, 60, fig. 3) a pit in chalky soil
yielded pottery fragments, flint flakes, animal bones, an antler comb,
a bone point, and sandstone rubber and rider. Seven distinct pots were
represented by rim sherds and other pieces were present. They had
been buried as sherds, not complete vessels. All are of roundbottomed
bowls, sloping in from rim to base with simple, beaded,
turned over, out-turned, or flared rims. The assemblage was notable
for its high burnish and hard fabric. Antler combs, a dozen were
found on Windmill Hill (Smith, 1965, 125), have been encountered
on the European mainland in Belgium (Childe, 1940, 41) and at
Heikendorf, near Kiel, in Schleswig-Holstein (Piggott, 1956, 99).
The flint flakes were derived from a single nodule, and as at Fussell's
Lodge (Ashbee, 1966,23), could be fitted together. The animal bones
were of ox, ovicaprid, pig and red deer (the comb was part of an antler
beam). It is noteworthy that rims of open bowls, comparable with
those from Wingham, were present among the sherds from the
Chestnuts, at Addington (Alexander, 1961, 36-42, fig. 11).
Pottery from East Kent, the Deal area, Preston, Ramsgate and
Folkestone, collated by G. C. Dunning (1966), was for the greater
part open bowls. It was from pits, and probable pits, circumstances
comparable with Grovehurst and Wingham. Of particular note was a
275
PAUL ASHBEE
pit at Mill Road, Upper Deal, where the parts of some six vessels,
open bowls, were at the bottom of a flint-packed pit, which also had
in it flint flakes and a grain rubber. Closely similar pottery has since
been found, in an area of flint implements, which included a
leaf-shaped arrowhead and parts of polished axes, on an ancient clay
surface beneath peat, at Birchington (Macpherson-Grant, 1969). The
sites at Deal were upon a coastal spread of brickearth from which was
obtained a considerable, seemingly related, flint assemblage (Dunning,
1966, 18-24). At Ramsgate a large bowl was in the same pit as
inhumation burials while at Preston, near Wingham, a hearth in
brickearth, had by it some sixty small plain sherds as well as flakes,
cores and a piece of a polished axe. One rim sherd was of an open bowl.
Mindful of the broader English scene, G. C. Dunning (1966, 17)
considered this Kentish pottery as comprising a discrete derivative
group, with links to other English regions. Open bowls (Clarke, 1982,
27, fig. 9), characteristic of eastern England, are not out of keeping
with those of the earliest TRB series despite the virtual absence of
flat bases (Midgley, 1992, 193). Unlike other areas of Northern
Europe there was, in England, little elaboration of form although the
later Ebbsfleet, Peterborough, Fengate and Grooved Ware traditions
are comprehensively decorated. These Kentish sites provide little
evidence of agriculture; at Wingham, however, there were the bones
of domestic animals, which, because of selective breeding, are also
artefacts. In general these isolated, accidentally encountered, pits and
apparent deposits, could well be no more than elements of much
larger concentrations, as for example, at Hurst Fen, in Suffolk (Clark,
et al., 1960). The palpable absence of unequivocal houses and the fact
that, causewayed enclosures apart, all evidence of earlier Neolithic
occupation, the scattered pits, hearths and occasional posts, with
pottery, flints, stones and other apparent rubbish, might be more
indicative of an enduring Mesolithic mode of life than has hitherto
been supposed, although archaeological evidence of contacts between
Mesolithic and Neolithic communities hardly exists. It should
not be overlooked that some of the earlier TRB settlement sites were
similarly ephemeral and shifting (Midgley, 1992, 317). Nonetheless,
as elsewhere at the margins of the vast LBK territory, there were
profound changes within Mesolithic societies which gave rise to long
barrows and, in the fullness of time, agricultural usages (Sherratt,
1990; Midgley, 1992, 355-405).
Rescue archaeology, near Ramsgate (Shand, 1998), has revealed
concentric ditches, seemingly part of a causewayed enclosure, which
supplements the pattern of pits and scatters. Although evocative of
the systems surrounding some LBK villages (Ashbee, 1982), there is
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THE MEDWAY MEGALITHS IN A EUROPEAN CONTEXT
much to suggest that these Thanet ditches, formed from a series of
pits, may have been an ordered, concentrated, expression of the pit
principles. Deposits of animal bones, including two cattle skulls,
with marine shells and pottery sherds, as well as indications of
episodic flint knapping, repeated what is now a recognised formula
(Smith, 1971, 96-101). Parts of human skulls may denote traffic with
long barrows.
At no great distance from the Medway's eastern bank megalithic
long barrows, rescue excavation has disclosed an ostensible
long-house (Denison, 1999). A pattern of post-holes and beddingtrenches
indicates a timber structure some 65ft (20m) in length and
22ft (7m) in breadth. In the absence of flanking pits or ditches,
rendering for the panels, between the vertical members, was
presumably dug from the Gault close by. A number of seemingly-
Neolithic houses are known in England and Ireland (Ashbee, 1982,
137), but this example, on Blue Bell Hill, is the first to be reasonably
comparable with an LBK house-plan. The associated pits do not,
however, necessarily connote a domestic function. Unless the
remains of further houses are found, betokening a settlement, it could
be thought that this erstwhile structure was an exemplar for the
megalithic long barrows, surrogate long-houses. Nonetheless, it is
perhaps significant that indications of a structure similar to that of an
LBK house has appeared in Kent, no more than about fifty miles from
the European mainland.
The pits and scatters which have been found in East Kent, from
time to time, are only about 25 miles from the LBK villages of the
Pas-de-Calais. Thus some of them may be the initial, clear, manifestations
of Neolithic activity on what is now English soil. As has been
stressed above, they have a pronounced Mesolithic character.
An integral feature of our first Neolithic was the spread of polished
flint and stone axes; indeed they were for long its type-fossils. There
are numerous Kentish flint examples and stone sources have been
identified (Clarke, 1982, 28). Such axes accompany everywhere the
beginning of farming as they are notably effective for timber felling
and working, although it must not be overlooked that timber could
have been taken from beaver dams and lodges (Ashbee, 1984, 80;
Coles and Orme, 1983). In England the massive timber structures
were mostly the earthen long barrows (Ashbee, 1966), as groups of
houses comparable with those of the LBK settlements (Whittle, 1994,
157) and the later TRB people may not, it seems, have developed.
Sarsen stone moving and positioning, however, as by the Medway,
would have involved a considerable use of appropriate timbers, all
sized and cut.
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PAUL ASHBEE
Of note are the hoards, or caches, of flint axes from Eastern
England, two being from Kent. There is good reason for flint axes to
be put into the earth in that their inherent moisture may be preserved
(Pitts, 1996, 340). Within the TRB territory of the European mainland,
hoards or caches of axes were placed in chosen waterlogged
environments, some of which may be votive (Midgley, 1992, 282).
The Bexley Heath hoard is of particular note in that it could be a
woodworker's selection of axes, heavy and light, including an adze.
Seven pieces were found but only five reached the British Museum
(Spurrell, 1891; Smith, 1921, 117-8); Jessup, 1930, 52; Pitts, 1996,
12). Three flaked axes, possibly cached prior to polishing, have been
found at Pembury (Tester, 1951) while three polished axes from
Saltwood may have been in a grave (Pitts, 1996, 367). The northern
flint axe from Julliberrie's Grave, broken and incorporated into the
core of the long barrow, was compared with a similar example from
Canterbury (Jessup, 1939, 268, fig. 1). A similar square-sided adze
was dug from sandy soil at Bearsted (Cook, 1934, 195; Druce, 1935,
xiiii).
LONG BARROW USAGES
Megalithic long barrows had a larger form, and a function which was
the antithesis of the LBK long-houses. As is illustrated by the bones
from Coldrum's chamber (Keith, 1913; 1925), they were the foci for
rituals involving human remains. There was selection, and skulls,
arms, legs and hands were significant (Hodder, 1990, 246). At
Coldrum skulls were well represented. Access to chambers was,
presumably, controlled and from time to time bones were taken away
or added to (Piggott, 1962, 66-7; 1972, 43; Smith, 1965, 137, 251;
Ashbee, 1966, 39; Woodward, 1993, 3). If as seems likely, these
usages involving bones took place over a long period, before they
were covered and sealed by occupation debris (Piggott, 1962,26, 68),
we see only the final depositions. It may have signified a relationship
with ancestors and a settlement but could also be linked with
agricultural efficacy, particularly when moves were made on to various,
sometimes unsuitable, soil regimes (de Valera and 6 Nuallain,
1961; Ashbee, 1978, 89).
Animal bones have also been found associated with long barrows
(Ashbee, 1984, 158-60; Hodder, 1990, 250), indeed some unburned
pieces were encountered at the Chestnuts (Alexander, 1961, 158-60).
Apart from the oxen heads and hoofed hides hung from portals
(Piggott, 1973, 309), ox bones have been found with chamber
278
THE MEDWAY MEGALITHS IN A EUROPEAN CONTEXT
deposits and in mounds and ditches (Ashbee, 1966, PI. XV, a). In
Yorkshire, however, Mortimer found pig bones, including some
twenty jaws, associated with the Hanging Grimston long barrow
(1905, 102-5). Like oxen, pigs are meat animals and thus feasting as
an element of the usages centred upon long barrows seems likely.
ENVOI
The emergence of the economic, technological and social circumstances
that we term the Neolithic was an infinitesimally slow,
piecemeal, process. Kent is a terrain at no great distance from the
developed LBK societies on the loessic soils of the Pas-de-Calais and
thus, because of its contiguity and likely social intercourse, it may
have been one of the first English regions to embrace subsistence
changes. These were, however, only partial, as it has for long been
recognised (Piggott, 1954, 15, passim) that fundamental Mesolithic
usages endured and are to be seen as an aspect of the manifestations
of our diverse insular Neolithic.
Stone eminently suitable for the enduring examples of the earth and
timber surrogate long-houses, seen as integral to the changes in train,
was a prominent feature of the Medway valley (Ashbee, 1993, 58).
Although the distances were not great, the workforces had to manipulate
blocks of Stonehenge calibre (Cleal et al., 1995, 566). Indeed,
their size, with the high chambers, massive facades and great
barrows, reflects their erstwhile cogency. Because of their proximity
to LBK territory and culture, only some fifty miles away, an
expression of qualities transcending the earthen mounds by the Stour
may have been intended, for their developed, close-knit, siting recalls
LBK village patterns.
The current reduced state of the Kit's Coty House long barrow
(Philp and Dutto, 1985, fig.7) shows that it is unlikely to have been
preceded by a more modest, earthen and timber, structure, as, for
example, at Wayland's Smithy (Whittle, 1991). Nonetheless, it is still
possible that traces of earlier monuments may remain beneath others.
The remains of the long barrows appended to the Lower Kit's Coty
House and the Coffin Stone could conceal traces, as might the
Addington long barrow and its fellows.
The Coffin Stone and Coldrum long barrows were sited upon
lynchets, the size of which denotes cultivated fields of some antiquity
when they were set-up, an undertaking which would have demanded
an appropriate economic surplus. We do not know, however, in which
order the Medway's long barrows were constructed, although embryo
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PAUL ASHBEE
agricultural activities may have determined their location. It is
possible that an apposite cluster was completed by Blue Bell Hill,
while those west of the Medway may not, as a group, have developed
beyond their present complement.
It seems likely that these long barrows, in the light of their chamber
deposits, had especial, if not ultramundane significance and that thus
the clusters were, in their totality, hallowed precincts. Indications of
this are the Bronze Age burials, later Bronze Age gold from the
Medway, richly furnished Iron Age burials, all from Aylesford, and a
Roman temple on Blue Bell Hill (Ashbee, 1993, 62-3). The close-knit
grouping emphasises a common relationship and that they could have
been visited in time-honoured succession by groups of people, guided
by the ordained functionaries. Because of the grand- iose proportions
of almost all the chamber interiors, the ministrants could have
entered them in a dignified manner, an action difficult elsewhere.
Portal stones may not have been positioned until chamber deposits
were finally sealed with occupation debris, soil and chalk. Such chambers,
within their long barrows, may have been in use for millennia
before they were sealed. Indeed, the crumbs of Beaker pottery found
at Kit's Coty House (Cook, 1936) may remain from such an ultimate
undertaking. The antiquity, in communal memory of the final sealing
of a chamber, and perhaps portal stone erection, may, at least in
earlier times, have determined sitings and foregathering sequences.
Megalithic long barrows with commodious chambers are not
unknown elsewhere in Britain (Ashbee, 1993, 61) but nowhere, except
by the Medway, is there such an adherence to grandiose dimensions.
As they may well have been some of the first of their kind there can be
no question of emulation or constructional competition (Tilley, 1996,
160). The Medway formula, long barrows of trapezoidal plan, flowered
in Wessex in timber and chalk-rubble at Fussell's Lodge (Ashbee, 1966)
and in megalithic form in Northern Wiltshire (Piggott, 1962, 57-65;
Barker, 1984). Indeed, Wayland's Smithy II, apart from its transepted
chamber (Whittle, 1991, 65, fig. 2), would have closely resembled a
Medway stone-bounded long barrow. Here, as by the Medway, the
facade was integral to the kerbing. Thereafter came the Cotswolds
(Darvill, 1982) and subsequently we enter a realm of complexity and
usages distant from the Dover Straits and LBK sources. Despite
regional diversity, which reflects the lengthy, piecemeal, processes
which led to agricultural subsistence, it should not be forgotten that
south-eastern England is the western extremity of the North European
Plain. Moreover, the Medway's megalithic long barrows are a part of
a fundamental pan-European phenomenon which covers much of the
western reaches of our continent.
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THE MEDWAY MEGALITHS IN A EUROPEAN CONTEXT
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