"ANTIQUITATBB BEU HIBTO:RIAllUJII EELIQUm BUNT TANQUAM TABUL.lE
N.A.UFRAGH ; OUM, DEFIOIENT.E ET FERE SUBMERSA RERUM JIIBMOBIA,
NraILOMINUB ROMINES INDUSTRII ET SAG.A.OES, PERTINAOI. QUADAM ET
SORUPULOSA DILIGENTU, EX GENBALOGHS, FABTIS, TlTULIB, MONUMENTIS,
NUMISMATlBUS, NO.MINIBUS PROPRIIS E STYLIS, V.ERllORUM ETYMOLOGilS,
PROVERllIIB, TlU:DITIONIBUS, AllORIVIB, ET INSTRUMENTIS, TAM PUllLIOIS
QUAM PRIVATIS, RISTORURUM FRA.GMENTIS, LlBROR'l'M: NEUTIQUA'M KISTORI·
OORUM LOOXS DISPERSIS,-EX HIS, INQ,UAM, OMNIBUS VBL ALIQ,UlBUS,
NONNULLA. A. TEMPORIS DILUVIO ERIPIUNT ET CONSERV.A.NT. RES SANE
OPEROS.A., BED MOBTALilltrS ORA.TA ET OUM BEVERENTI.A. QU.A.D.A.M CONJUNCT.A.,"
"ANTIQUITIES, OB REMNANTS OF :e:ISTOBY,. ARE, AS WAS SAID, TANQU;I.M
T.A.l3UL.IE NAUFB.A.Gll; WHEN INDUSTRIOUS PERSONS, BY AN EXACT AND
SCRUPULOUS DILIGENCE AND OBSERVATION, OUT OF MONUMENTS, NAMES,
WORDS, PROVERllS, TRADITTONS, PRIVATE RECORDS AND EVIDENOES, FRA.G·
MENTS OF STORIES, l'A.SSA.Gl!S OF BOOKS THA.T CONCERN NOT STORY, .AND
TlIE LIKE, DO SAVE AND RECOVER SOMEWHA.T FROM THE DELUGE OF
TIME."-A.dvanceme11t of Learnfog, ii.
BEING
TRANSACTIONS
OF THE
KENT ARCHlEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
VOLUME X.
iLonlJon:
PRI TED FOR THE SOCIETY
llY
MITCHELL & HUGHES, WARDOUR TREET, 0 FORD TREET.
1876.
The Council of the Kent .hclu:eologicat Society is not answerable
for any· opinions put forward in tltis Worlc. Each Contributor is
alone re.onsible for Ms own remarks.
CONTENTS.
OFFIOERS OF THE SOCIETY, X j RULES, xiv ; L:rsT OF lU!IMllERS,
Xvi; OONTRillUTIONS TO TlI.E ILLUSTRATION FUNJ>,
:nxii; :BA.LA.NOE SHEETS FOR 1874, xxxiv; FOR 1875, xx.x:v .
.A.BSTR.A.OT OF l']WOEEDINGs, 1874, x.xxvii; MEETING AT FOLXESTONE,
xx.x.viii; SEYENTEE'NTR ANNUAL REPORT, x.xxix.
l'J.Gll
THE CASTLE RILL, FOLKESTONE. DY :MR. W, J, JE.A.FFRESON :x:liv
l'A:DDLESWORTH ORUROH OF ST. OSWALD, :BY C.ANON
JENXINS . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .. . .. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . .. . . . . .. . .. . . . . xlix
FOLKESTONE CRUlWH OF ST. MARY A.ND ST, E.A.NSWITH,
DY MR, SCOTT ROBERTSON ........ , . .. .. . .. .. .. . . . .. . . .. .. . Jiv
ON THE MUNICIPAL RECORDS OF POLKESTONE. BY CANON
JENKINS . . . .. . .. . . .. . .. . .. . . . . . . . .. . .. . .. . .. . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . .. Ixix
MEMOIR OF JORN PHILIPOT, TllE HERALD,. DY MR, SCOTT
ROBERTSON .................................................. .lxxxvi
OBSERVATIONS ON THE EARLIER CL.A.IMS TO THE DISCOVERY
OF THE CIRCULATION OF THE DLOOD, DY
CANON JENKINS . . . .. . . .. .. . . .. . . . . .. .. . . . . . . . . . . . .. .. . . .. . .. xcvi
EARLY CHRISTIAN IU.SILICAS .A.ND THE DISCOYEUIES .A.T
LYMINGE, :gy CANON JENKINS........................... ci
:MEDilEVAL FOLKESTONE, :BY MR, SOOT!!: ROD:ERTSON...... civ
.A.BSt.rR.A.OT OF l'ROOEEDINGS, 1875, cxxviii; MEETING .AT
DOVER, cxxix; EIGIITEENTH .ANNUAL ll,EPORT, cxxix.
ON THE MUNIOIP.A.L RECORDS OF DOVER, :BY MR, EDWARD
XNOOXER, F.S . .A. . ............................................. cxxxiv
llRA.lWURNE OHUROH, llY SIR G. GILllEBT SOOTT .............. , 1
llEOKET MEMORANDA. BY CANON J, OR.A.IGIE RO:BERTSON :-
ON .A. STONE IN THE "MARTYRDOM" OF OANTERBU.EY
OATREDR.A.L ........ , . ; ... , ................... , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
ON TB.E KINDRED OF .A.RORBISROP llEOKET ... , , ..... , ... , 16
THE COMPENSATION PA.ID :BY THE KENTISHMEN TO lNE FOR
THE :BURNING OF MUL. DY THE REV. DANIEL HAIGH . . . 29
THE SKEFFINGTONS OF TUNDRIDGE. DY MR, ROBERT ClUPl\UN 89
ELlIAM:, OHU:ROH OF ST. MA.RY, BY :Mlt, SCOTT 110:BERTSON... 46
ON .A. WALL-PAINTING IN ROCHESTER C.A.TIIEDRAL CHOIB, DY
M , SCOTT ROBERTSON .................................. , . . . . . .. . . . 70
CONTENTS.
l'.&.Gn
ON ROMAN POTTERY FROM HOO. BY MR, HUMPHREY wrc1rn:.A.M 75
ON .A.N ANCIENT CARVED .CHEST IN HAll,TY CHURCH, BY MR,
SCOTT ROBERTSON ..................... , . . . .. . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
MONKS HORTON PRIORY, BY MR. C. BAILY, F.R,I.B,.A.. ......... 81
NOTE ON MEDilEVA L WINDOW CASEMENTS AND SHUTTERS,
BY MR, R, C. HUSSEY, F,S.A. . . . . . . . .. .. . .. . . . . . .. .. .. . . . . . . . . .. . 90
SOMNER'S DESCRIPTION OF CANTERBURY CATHEDRAL AFTER THE
GRE.A.1.' REBELLION, BY CANON J. CR.A.IGIE ROBERTSON... 98
ASSESSMENTS IN KENT FOR TJIE AID TO XNIGHT THE DLA.OK
PRINCE, .A.NO 20 EDWARD Ill, BY MR, JA.MES GREEN•
STREET ............................................................... 99
ON .A. ROMA. N VILLA. NE.A.R M. .A.IDSTO l!l'E. BY MR. C. ROACH
SMITH, F,S.A................... .. . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . .. .. . .. . 168
ON .A. :ROMAN HYPOCAUST DISCOVERED .A.T FOLKESTONE IN
1875. DY CANON JENKINS .................. .................. 178
ON A. ROMAN CEMETERY AT EAST HALL, MURSTON, DY MR.
GEORGE PAYNE, JUN. .. .... ... ... ... ... .. . ... ... ............ ..... . 1'78
THE KENTISH FAMILY OF LOVELACE, DY THE REV. A, J.
PEARMAN ............. ; .................................... , .. , . .. . . . 184
FAVERSHA:M TOWN ACCOUNTS. DY MR, F, F, GIRAUD:-
ANNO 88 EDW.All.D L ..... .'........... ...... .... ... ......... ...... 221
DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII, .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. . . .. . .. 288
RYTHE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS FOR '!'HE YEAR 1412-13.
DY MR. :MA.OKESON AND MR. SCOTT ROBERTSON ..... , . . . . . . 242
SIR JOHN SCOTT'S ACCOUNT OF HIS RECEIPTS AND EXPEND!•
TURE DURING 1468-1466, DY MR. JAMES It. SCOTT, F.S,A, 250
THE SCOTT MONUMENTS IN 'BRA.BOURNE CHURCH. DY MR,
JAMES R, SCOTT, F.S.A, ............................ ...... .'....... 259
THE CHARTERS OF '.MONKS HORTON PRIORY, BY YR, JAMES R.
SCOTT, F,S,A, ... :..... ... . .. ... . .. . . . ... .. . .. . .. . ... .. . ... . . . . . . ... . . . 269
INVENTORIES OF PA.RISH CHURCH GOODS, IN KENT, A,D, 1552
(continuetlfrom, VOL. Ix.) ............... ............ ... ... ...... 282
THE SAXON CEMETERY AT l3IFRONS. BY MR, T. G. GODFREY·
FAUSSETT, F,8,A, . , , .... , . , . , .................... , . , , .............. , 298
DOCUMENTS FROM TlIE ARClIIVES OF OlIRIST OJIUROH, OAN·
TERDURY. DY MR, R, C, HUSSEY, F,S,A, . , .. , , . . . . . . . . . 816, 824
:MISOELLA.NEA. ....... , , .... ., ............. ; .. , , .. , ................. , , . . .. . 820
FRILIPOTT'S VU!IT.A.TION OF KENT IN 1619 :-
THE DERING PEDIGREE, EDITED BY DR, J, J, ROW.A.RD
AND THE REV. FRANCIS HASLEWOOD . ; .. .. . . . .. .. .. . .. 827
.ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA FOR VOLS, VIII, AND IX, ......... , . . 852
INDEX ..................................................................... 858
Ground Plan of Lyminge Basilica and Ohuroh . . . . . . . . . to face p. cii
§Halfpenny Token issued by Edward Franklin of Folkestone cxxvii
*Exterior of Brabourne Ohurch. ....................................... 1
*North Chancel Door of Brabotirne Ohurch .. . .. . ... . . . ...... ... 3
*Norman Vaulting Shaft iri the Ohancel of Brabourne Church 4
*Heart Shrine in Brabourne Ohurch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . to face p. 6
. *Dulcecor Abbey ....... ;................................................. 7
*Interior of the Ohancel in Brabourne Ohurch, shewing Sil:
John Scott's tomb ......... ............ ............ ... ... to face p. 8
*Exterior of the Chancel of Brabourne Church . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Rouse of the Ske:ffingtons at.Tunbridge . .. ...... ... ......... ...... 39·
Interior of Elbam Ohurch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
Sections of Mouldings in Elham Church ... ............. , . . . . . . . . . . 47
North .A.isle of the Nave in Elham Church . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
Wall-painting in Rochester Cathedral ....- ......... ....... to face p. 71
Roman Pottery from Hoo ............... • ...... : . . . . . . . . . . . to face p. 75
Carved Ohest in the Church at Harty . .. .. . .. . . . . .. . . . . to face p. 78
West Front of Horton Priory .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 81
West End of Horton Priory.Obapel .................. ......... ...... 84
Mouldings on West Doorway of·Horto:a Priory Chapel......... 85
Obimney-piece at Horton Priory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . to face p. 87
Painted Panel of Ceiling formerly existing in Horton Priory 88
Window in Horton Priory . . . . . .. .. .. . .. .. . . . . . .. .. .. .. .. .. toface p. 90
Medimval Window Shutters ......... _..... .. .. . . .. . . .. .. .. .. . .. .. . .. . 02
_Plan of Remains of a Roman Villa near Maidstone... 'to face p. 164
Plan of Site of Roman Hypocaust'at Folkestone ... to face p.174
Plans of the Roman Hypocaust at Folkestone .. .. .. to face p. 1 '75
.Pottery from Roman Cemetery at Eat Rall in Murston ... ... 179
,, ,, ,, ,, 180
Six .A.rmorfa..l Shields of the Lovelace Family . . ..... .. to face p. 193
The Greyfriars, Canterbury . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
*Monumental Brass of William Scot in Brabourne Church
• to face p. 261
*Monumental Brass of Lady with flowing hair . . . . . . to face p. 262
.*Monumental Brass to Sir William Scott, in Brabourne
• Church .. . .. . .. . .. . ... .. . . .. ... .. . .. . .. . .. . . .. .. . ... .. . . .. to face p. 264 § This woodcut was kindly presented to the Society by 11:Ir. J. Stone
Smallfield.
* Engraved woodblocks for all the illustrations marked with an asterisk,
have been genei·ously pre..nted to the Society by James R. Scott, Esq., F.S.A.
Vlll ILLUSTRATIONS.
' .
*Monumental Brass to Lady Poyninges, in Brabourne Ohurch
to face p. 264
Bronze stud . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 802
Glass drinking cup ..................................... ,.... to face p. 302
Two keys, a bronze pin, a buckle, and brooch . . . . . . . . . to face p. 303
Perforated spoon, crystal ball, bracelet, hammer-shaped and
circular brooches....................................... to face p. 303
Bronze buckle, a bronze stud, two ring-shaped brooches; and a
bronze ornament inlaid with gla.ss and enamel...... . . .. . . . . . 304
Rectangular brooch, two hammer-shaped brooches, and a
circular brooch.............................. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . 305
Ring-shaped brooch, perforated glass bead, and hammer-shaped
brooch with radiations............................................. 306
Gold wire, a buckle, and a belt ornament of bronze silvered . . . 8e J!DuJtrtd.
H. B. MAOKESON, ESQ. , , . , . . . Hytlte.
3E!lle af beiipev tl!U1.itrftt.
REV. A. J, PE.A.RM.AN • . . . • . , Rainlta1ri,, Sittvngbown.
:IE.fJle of etban.et .ffl£!.ltrfct.
G. .Ill. HANNAM, ESQ. . . . Bromstone HO'Use, Romi,sgate.
J£onl:ron ..
Mn, SM.ALLFllilLD . • • • • • • • • 32 University St1roet, w.o.
;f¾!laflJ.fJtone ;JD£!.ltrfct.
HERBERT MONCKTON, EsQ. . • . • • Maiitstono.
;Mallfug 1D£!.ltrtct.
REV, J. A. BOODLE , • • , , . • West MalZi1ig.
SOCIETIES IN UNION.
§!rm 31ulmttty Jl9iRttid.
JOHN HUMPRERY, ESQ, , • , • . . . New Ro111,ney.
1t.o'qiester IHRtdtt.
G. B. AOWORTH, ESQ., •F,S.A. . . . . . St«11• -Hill, Rocl,ester.
-!,miamfcl) i3i.Stdct.
REv, W. F. SHAW . . . , . . • , lJJa-stry.
!,tb.ernudtn ilEHRttitt.
GEORGE F. CARNELL, ESQ. . . . . . Scvenoal11J,
£ttfng)jou1.-11e: ffi{Rttid.
GEO. p AYNE, ESQ,, JUNIOR . . • . • . Sitting'botwnc.
m:e:utedJ.en .lliRtt'ftt.
REV, S. 0. TRESSE BEALE , . . . , . Te1zte1•don,
er:1mllril:r.n.e- JIBfottict, _
J. F. W.A.DMORE, ESQ. . . . . . . . Tun,'bi•idge.
tmllrttrge: merrn J!Eli1Jtrfct.
CRAI!.LES POWELL, EsQ, , . . , • . Bpldlm1rst,. Twn,ol'idge Woll&.
'i!lmt.!ittq)ltnt ;J!ltdtrid.
J, BOARD, ESQ. . . . . . . Weste1'7umn.
SOCIETIES IN _UNION.
FM' InlM'clumge of Publications, et.:.
The Royal Axchreological Institute of Great Britain,
The Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.
The Axcbitectu:ral Museum, South Kensington Museum. w.
The Numismatic Society.
The London and Middlesex: Axchreological Society.
The Historic Society of Cheshi.J:e and Lancashire.
The Kilkenny .and South-east of Ireland Archreological Society,
The Lincoln Diocesllll. Architectural Society.
The Norfolk and Norwich Archreological Society,
The Suffolk Institute of Archroology.
The Surrey .Axchreological Society.
The Sussex Axchmological Society.
The Wiltshi.J:e Axchreological and Natural History Society.
Societe Archeologique de Dunkerque.
The Society of Antiquaries, Normandy.
The Society of Antiquaries, Picardy,
The Society of Antiquaries, Poitiers.
The Abbeville Society of Emulation.
xiii
1. The Society shall consist of Ordinary Members and Honorary
Members.
2. The affairs of the Society shall be conducted by a Council consisting
of the President of the Society, the Vice-Presidents, the Honorary
Secretary, and twenty-four Members elected out of the general
body of the Subscribers: one-fourth of the latter shall go out annually
by rotation, but shall nevertheless be re-eligible ; and such retiring
and the new election shall take place at;the Annual General Meeting:
but any intermediate vacancy, by death or retirement, among the
elected Council, shall be filled up either at the General Meeting or
at the next Council Meeting, whichever· shall first happen. Five
Members of the Council to constitute a quorum.
8. The Council shall meet to transact the business of the Society
on the second Thursday in the months of March, June, September,
and December, and at any other time that the Secretary may deem
it expedient to call them together. The June Meeting shall always
be held in London; those of March, September, and December, at
CanterblJl'y and Maidstone alternately. But the Council shall have
power, if it shall deem it advisable, at the instance-of the President, to
hold its meetings at other places within the county; and to alter the
days of meeting, or to omit a quarterly meeting if it shall be found
convenient.
• 4. At every Meeting of the Society or Oouncil, the President, or,
in his absence, the Chairman, shall have a ea.sting vote, independently
of his vote as a member.
5. A General Meeting of the Society shall he held annually, in
July, August, or September, at some place rendered interesting by
its antiquities or historical associations, in the eai!tern and western
divisions of the county alternately, unless the Oouncil, for some cause
to be by them assigned, agree to vary this arrangement ; the day
and place of meeting to be appointed by the Council, who shall have
power, at the instance of the President, to elect some :rμember of the
Society connected with the district in which the Meeting shall be
held, to act as Chairman of such Meeting. .A.t the said General
Meeting, antiqui!ies shall be exhibited, and papers.read on.subjects
of archreolog1cal mterest. The accounts of the Society, having been
previously allowed by the Auditors, shall be presented; the Council,
through the Secretary, shall make a Report on the state of the
Society ; and the Auditors and the six new Members of the Council
for the ensuing year shall be elected.
6. The Annual Gene1·al Meeting shall have power to make such
alterations in the Rules as the majority of Members present may .
a:pprove : provided that notice of any contemplated alterations be
given, in writing, to the Honorary Secretary, before June the 1st in
the then current year, to be laid by him before the Council at their
next Meeting; provided, also, that the said contemplated alterations
be specifically set out in the notices summoning the Meeting, at
least one month before the day appointed for it.
17. A Special General Meeting may be summoned, on the written
requisition of seven Members, or of the President, or two Vice-PreRULES
A.ND R:GULATIONS. xv
sidents, which must specify the subject intended to be brought forward
at such Meeting.; and such subject alone can then be considered.
8. Candidates for admission must be proposed by one Member of
the Society, and seconded by another, and be balloted for, if
required, at any Meeting of the Council, or at a General Meeting,
one black ball in five to exclude.
9. Each Ordinary Member shall pay an Annual Subscription of
Ten Shillings, due in a-dv:ance on the 1st of January in each year; or
£5 may at any time be paid in lieu of future subscriptions, as a composition
for life. Any Ordinary Member shall pay, on election, an
entrance fee of Ten Shillings, in addition to his Subscription, whether
Annual or Life. Every Member shall be entitled to a copy of the
Society's Publications; but none will be issued to any Member whose
Subscription is in arrear. The Council may remove from the List of
Subscribers the name of any Member whose Subscription is two years
in arrear, if it be certified to them that a written application for payment
has been made by one of the Secretaries, and not attended to
within a month from the time of application.
10. All Subscriptions and Donations are to be paiioh). . . l 10 0
Smallfield, Mr. (Londo1) . . . . . 125 4 6
Spurrell, F. C. J., Esq. (JJa1tfo1•d) 8 0 0
Thurston, T., Esq. (.Aslifo1't1,) . . . 5 0 0
Wadmore, J. F., Esq. (Pwnb1-idge) . 20 0 0
464 9 6
13 2 4
1874. -£ s. d.
Further cost of .Axchreologia Cantiana, VoL IX.:-
Printers . . . 297 13 10
Engraver . . . . 28 6 6
Lithographers . . , 68 7 0
Index . . . . . 5 5 0
Maidstone Expenses :- . . Co rporation of Ma.idstone,for Seven Years' Rentof Rooms,
from Oct. 1857 to·oct. 1874 . . . . . .· . . .
.Assistant Secretary's Salary, one year to Michaelmas .
Porter's Wages, one year to Michaelmas . . . . . .
Furniture, Books, Binding, Stationery, Printing, Carriage
of Parcels, Postage, etc. . . . . . . . . . .
J. Gibbs' Bill for Printing Tickets and Circulars for Faversham
Meeting in 1872 . . . . . . .
Expenses of Folkestone Meeting (1874) :-
Printing and Postage of Circulars and Tickets . 7 7 6
Rev. A. L. Hussey, Expenses a.t Folkestone . 2 14 6
London Secretary, Petty Cash Expenses .
Honorary Secretary, Petty Cash Expenses
Balance at the Bankers, Dec. Slat, 1874 :Messrs.
Wigan, Mercer, and Co. . .
Messrs. Hammond and Co. . . . .
. 176 17 1
. 202 14 1
Or.
£, s. il.
889 12
140 0
40 0
10 0
16 8
4 14
10 2
4 14
12 1
4
0
0
0
4
6-
0
0
6
379 11 2
529 12 0
£1007 3 10 £1007 S 10
Feb. 26th, 1876. Examined and approved,
ls::!i.,.n<>,'I\ RT0."R" A Rn ffFr A FI. "R"TTl'!FllllV. A•uUi:n,,•.
KENT ARCHlEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
Balance-Skeet of ...4.ccmmts frO'lli Jam,ua1-y 1st to IJecC'lnocr 81st, 1875.
IJr.
1875. £ s. d.
:Balance in hand at the Bankers, Dec. 81st, 187 4 :-
Messrs. Wigan, Mercer, and Co. . . . . . 176 17 1 •
Messrs. Hammond and Co, . . . . . . . 202 14 1
Dividends on Stock, one year . . . . , . , . . . .
Annual Subscriptions and Arrears, Life Compositions, Entrance
Fees, Receipts for the illustration Fund and
for Volumes, etc. :-
Remitt.ed direct to the Bankers . . . . . 152 12 O
Remitted through the following Local Secretaries :-
.Axnold, G. M., Esq. ( 0-ravesend) . 11 4 6
.Astley, Dr. (IJ01Je1•) ." • . . . . . 25 9 0
Carr, Rev. T. A. ( Oranb-rook) . . 9 HI 6
Giraud, F. F., Esq. (Faverska11) . U O 0
Hannam, G. E., Esq. (Tkanet) . . 17 10 0
Ilott, J. W., Esq. (B1·omley). . . 6 7 9
Lightfoot, the late Mr. (Maidstone) . . 2 5 0
Pearman,Rev.A.J.(llainhani,h%eppey) 2 10 0
Powell, c., Esq. (T-11111,m•iilge Welk) . . 18 o o
Robertson, Rev. W. A. Scott. . . 14 17 0
Shaw, Rev. Frank (Sam,a'Wick) • . l 10 0
Small.field, Mr. (Londtni) . . . , 69 8 0
Thurston, T., Esq. (Aslifgical Institute.
Four new members were elected.
PROCEEDINGS, 1874. xliii
Thanks were voted to Mr. J eaffreson for his paper on " The
Castle Hill/' and for much help at the Folkestone meeting; to
Rev. A. L. Hussey for the great trouble kindly taken by him in
the issuing of tickets for the cai-riages and for the dinner ;
to the Mayor of Folkestone for the use of the Town Hall; to
Canon Jenkins for his papers read at the meeting; to Mr. R.
Cannon of Sandgate for much help with the Museum; to Major
Kirkpatrick for his generous hospitality at Horton Park ; to
Revs. M. Woodward, W. Wodehouse, G. B. Perry, and Dean
Mantell, Sir G. Scott, Mr. C. Baily, Mr. J. R. Scott, and Mr.
Bedo; for help, kindness, and courtesy during the meeting; to
Mr. F. C. Brooke for copies of lithographic etchings of the
Cobham brasses; to Mr. C. Roach Smith for a copy of his
'' Ru1·al Life of Shakespeare;" to the two railway companies for
privileges granted to the Secretary and members.
The Council then adjourned until the 4th of December,
when they met again in the Society's rooms at Maidstone.
Seven members were present, with Earl Amherst in the Chair.
The courteous reply of the Royal Archreological Institute
• having been read, it was resolv.ed that a Special Gen'eral
J\11:eeting be summoned for the purpose of so altering the rules
• of the Kent Archreological Society, !l,S to admit of the Annual
General Meeting being held in the same division of the county
during two successive years, if the Council think fit. This
alte1·ation would be necessary before the Society could amal
gamate with the Institute in a visit to East Kent during 1875.
( xli-v ).
THE CASTLE HILL, FOLKESTONE.
BY MR. W. J. JEA.FFRESON,
Ou& learned Secretary, in his printed programme has cut, so to speak,
the very ground from beneath my feet, by telling you in half a dozen
WOl'ds almost all that can be said, with certainty, as to the interesting
remains amidst which we are standing.
The name which they popularly bear is Cresar's Camp, but I think
I am right in saying that no serious writer on Kentish antiquities
makes use of that name. In Lambarde, Hasted, and Ireland you will
find the spot mentioned as Castle Hill-a more vague but not more
satisfactory appellation.
If there is nothing beneath our feet but the earthworks which we
see, an.d we have no right to assume that there is anything else, then
neiher from the form, position, and size of these entrenchments, nor
from any documentary or traditiona.ry evidenc of any· value, nor from
any remains found on or near to the spot, can any one reasonably conclude
that ,ve have Roman work before us, or that the Romans at
all-much less Cresar-were ever brought into acual connection with
this particular locality. We inhabitants of Kent undoubtedly owe a
debt of gratitude to the greatest of Roman commanders-
" Kent, in the Commentaries Cresar writ,
·: Ia termed the civil'st place in all the isle."
It is something to win praise from Cresa1·, and to have that praise
echoed by Shakespeare, but if we may say amicus OCEsar we must, as a
scientific body, proclaim magis amica veritas, and confess that we have
no trace· of Cresar's handiwork here. Had we been standing amidst
the anxious crowd ·gathered, without doubt, on this spot, about a moth
later than this, in the year 55 B.c., we should ha-ie beheld leas dubious
signs of Cresar. At about half-past seven, in the evening of the 26th
of August, in that year, it was high water in Boulogne harbom·, and
Cresar's fleet, of not less than a hundred sail, dropping down at the
end of the flood and the beginning of the ebb, was outside the port,
aud ready for the passage of the Channel at midnight or the third watch,
four days, as Cresar tells us, before the new moon, which occurred at
three in the morning, on the 31st of August. By the fourth hom· on the
next day (half-past eight in the morning, at that season of the year)
THE CASTLE HILL, FOLKESTONE. xlv
Cresar was off Dover, and there rode at anchor, waiting for sixteen
cavalry transports, detained by the westerly wind, at Ambleteuse,
about eight mi.lea east of Boulogne. As be lay in_ the offing Oresar
could plainly observe that the cliffs, on either side probably, were
crowded with Keltic 'natives, who, without risk to themselves, could
command with their missiles the narrow strip of shingle between the
sea and the foot of the chalk, so, seeing it impossible to effect a landing,
after a conference on board ship with the legates and tribunes of the
fleet, at 3.30 in the afternoon, he weighed anchor. It bad been high
water at Dover, at about half-past seven, on August 27th, in the ye.ar
55 B.c., and the tide there, after running east for four hours, would
have turned at 11.30, and.commenced its l'lln of six hours to the west.
The wind, too, had in all probability shifted with it, so with wind and
tide in his favour Cresar dropped down the coast seven Roman miles,
and found himself opposite a shelving beach, with the chalk hills
receding to some distance from the sea. The distance and description
answer very well to Lympne, near Hythe. It was there, if this
account be accepted, that Cresar's landing took place, and, as was often
the case, at the first landing places of the Romans, a flourishing port
sprang up there. ' ·
But not only am I digressing from my own subject-though the
events I have faintly sketched must have occurred within view of the
spot where we now stand-I am also trespassing on the ground of our
Secretary at Hytbe, who has a rich treat in store for you whenever
the Society can arrange to pay him a visit.
Leaving Cresar behind, then>let us touch for a moment on the idea
borrowed by most Kentish antiquaries from Camden, that this hill
was crowned by one of the forts built by Theodosius, at the end of the
foul'th century, according to Gildas, along the whole southern coast, to
protect Britain against the Saxons, much as the Martello Towers of a
later date were raised to protect us from French invasion. There
seems abolutely no evidence to support this· statement. Neither the
Notitia, nor the Itinerary, make any mention of such a station, nor
would the shape and position of these remains suggest anything of the
character of a Roman fort, to any one not previously possessed with
the idea.
Lastly, comes a theory which is probably familiar to most of us as
being propounded by the compilers of Murl'ay's Handbook, on the
authority of Mr. Wright, namely, that this is the site of a Ro!Dan
Pharos, or Light-house, such as existed on the Castle height at Dover.
I find it atated in Murray, in confirmation of this hypothesis, that
xlvi KENT .A.RCH1EOLOGIOAL SOCIETY •.
Roman biicks, tiles, and masonry have been found on the spot. All I
can say is that neither the relics themselves nor the memory of them
have been preserved, so far as I can asce1·tain, in Folkestone. No
antiquary mentions them, and Ireland expressly states that not a
vestige can be found. Besides, no one looking at these works can
imagine that they were raised .for any other than a military purpose.
To what origin, then, mst we ascribe the structures before us? As
our leamed Secretary has already told you, the balance of probability
inclines strongly towards their being of British or Keltic origin. The
Keltic inhabitants of these islands, as well as on the continent, appea1·
generally to have built their cottage dwellings (" tuguria ") sepal'ately,
and at some distance apa).'t, This accounts for their traces being
comparatively rare. Occasionally a number of their abodes was
grouped together, and formed what the Roma1,1s called a "vicus," a
village community such as is cba1·acte1·istic of early civilisation in most
races. Besides these vici, we read in Cresar of" oppida/' which, for
want of a better translation, we must call towns. Eminent antiquaries
have divided these "oppida" into two classes. 1st. Towns proper,
permanent settlen;i.ents, such as Avaricum, Gergovia, Genabnum, Lutetia.
These consisted of a number of dwellings surrounded by fortifications
of a more or less complete constr1,1ction. Cresar, in the Seventh Book of
the Commentaries ( eh. xxiii. ), gives a min1,1te description of the walls of
A varicum or Bourges, built of alternate layers of timber nd stone,
with earth rammed between. It is doubtful whether any structul'es of
this kind we1·e·raised by the less civilized Kelts of the north, and we
certainly have not a specimen of them here. Laving these "oppida
murata," or" oppida-villes," as De Caumont styles them, we will pas11
to the inferior class of oppida-the " oppida rustica " or " vallata" of
antiquariea, though classical writers di-aw no such distinctions. These
" oppida" were not inhabited permanently, but served as camps of
refuge in the wars between tribe and tribe, or in cases of foreign
invasion. The spot upon which we are standing was, in my opinion,
occupied by such a camp. The positions selected for works of this
kind re always of great natural strength, and altogether different from
the open level exposed situations on which we find Roman encamp•
ments. Favourite sites are an island in a marsh, a peninsula all but
cut off by the windings of a river, the junction of two valleys, and
perhaps most often a plateau on the top of a nearly isolated hill, such
as we have here. Such stations are more frequent in p1·opodion as
one moves further north in Gaul, and reaches ground occupied by ruder
tribes. There are many simUar remains in northern France, especially
THE O.A.STLE HILL, FOLKESTONE. xlvii
in the Department of Calvados. At Limes especially, about two miles
from Dieppe, exists an entrenchment that some here may have seen,
01· may see in future, which resembles in many respects the one
before us. Like this, it is populady called Cresar's Camp-" Le Camp
de Cesar." Like this, it is on the coast, but is even nearer, the camp
being bounded on one side by the steep chalk cliff. Like this, though
on a far larger scale, it is diided into two portions, one more elevated,
the other lower and of greater extent. Many camps of the same kind
have been noticed by French archreologists in Normandy and Picardy,
nearly all possessing many features in common with this, and attributed
erroneously to a Roman or a Norman origin. In our own country the
Herefordshire Beacon may be cited as a most striking example. It
shews a double enclosure like this, and occupies a limited space on a
hill-top. Caer-Caradoc and Old Sarum niay also be cited. A
very celebrated specimen, though not so similar to the camp before
us, is that at Ab·y, in Wilts. All these will be found figured in
Knight's "Old England." The dimensions of these camps of refuge
would vary according to circumstances. In many cases, as here, the
locai featurns must limit the size. Generally speaking, De Caumont
considers that they diminish as one moves northward. This is a small
example, as it encloses less than two acres ; many are found six, eight,
ten times the size. The inner and higher part, the Prretorium it has
been strangely called, you wUl observe, is of a more clearly oval
shape than the whole enclosure, but its extent is only half as much,
the longest diameter measuring about fifty yards. To the south-east,
where the hill is steep, the vallation or entrenchment is single, to the
east it appears to have been double, and towards the plain on the
north it was triple, as is testified by the older antiquaries, though the
traces of the third line are somewhat feeble. In many French
encampments have been found traces of circular huts, but whether the
holes to be seen within these works can be referred to the same
purpose I will not attempt to discuss. On the side of the adjoining
hill h ave been found undoubted remains of coffins containing human
bones, and with them an urn, which belongs to the British Roman
period, -and says but little as to the original builders of this monument.
I have heard rumours, too, of what was described as a dagger having
been found during the excavation of tho reservoir below, but I cannot
track out its present possessor. In a mere sketch like this one cannot
attempt to bring convincing proofs. De Caumont's plates, which, by
the kindness of Canon Jenkins, lie at the Temporary Museum, will
help to corroborate my remarks, and by the courtesy of M1·. Bateman
xlviii KENT AltCHlEOLOGIOA.L soCmTY.
such relics as have been preserved of the burying place above-mentioned,
as well as the illustrations of similar camps in Knight's "Old
England," will be found at the same place. To set the whole question
at rest an inexpensive explo1·ation of the ground is required. Let me
conclude my remarks, after begging your kindest indulgence for so
crude and imperfect a paper, by trusting that after this meeting public
spirit enough may be aroused to undertake the task.
( :x:lix: )
THE CHURCH OF S'r. OSWALD AT ·PADDLESWORTH.
BY REV. CANON R. c. JENKINS.
THE little church in which we are assembled is said to be the
smallest in Kent,* though built upon the highest ground which the
Eastern Division of the county presents. It is even less interesting
from its early architectural features than it is from its connection,
through .the Mother Church of Lyminge, with the most interesting
episode of Anglo-Saxon ecclesiastical history, the life of St. 2Ethelburga
and the conversion of Northumbria. Both these are represented to us
in the name of the northern king to whom it is dedicated, who being
by marriage the nephew of 2Ethelburga was justly honoured by her, 01·
her immediate successors t Lyminge, in the dedication of this ancient
chapelry to his memory. No other church in Kent, and probably none
in the south-eastern counties genel'ally, records the name of the royal
martyr, St Oswald, frequent as is the recurrence of it in the churches
of Yorkshire and the ancient kingdom. of Northumbria over which
he reigned.
The parish of Paddlesworth is undoubtedly alluded to (as I think)
in the earliest charter relating to the parish and Park of Lyminge. It
confers upon the Abbot Adrian of St. Augustine's ii unum aratrum in
quo mina ferri baberi cognoscitur quod pertinebat ad cortem quae appellatur
Liminge." t This land is said to "adjoin that of the venerable
Presbytet· and Abbot Brytwald," then abbo.t of the monastery of
Lyminge.
The iron stone which is here so plentiful, and which often has
the appearance of lumps of the ore itself, was largely employed by the
Romans and their Saxon successors, and the quantity of slag and refuse
of iron-working which we :find but'ied under the earth, or built into the
ancient foundations, at Lyminge shews us that whatever metal could
be extracted from it was turned to good account, by both these successive
owl).ers of the soil. Doubtless the foundation of a chapel followed
up the possession of this new property, at a very early date, and either
the monastery of St. Augustine or that of Lyminge, to which at some
* Its length is only 47¾ feet (the nave being 83½ feet long, and the chancel
14¼ feet). Its breadth i, in the nave 17¼ feet, and in the chancel 10¼ feet. The
thickness of the wall is 2 feet 8 inches.
t Kemble Cod. Dipl. cart XXX. July, A,D, 689.
1 KENT ARCH.2EOLOGIOAL SOCIETY.
period before the Conquest (probably by exchange or purchase) the
donation of Oswyn had devolved, provided in this manner for the
spiritual wants of those who were engaged in the work which is here
indicated. .At the period of the Conquest, Paddlesworth manor was
one of the appendages of the manor of Lyminge, as was also that of
Stanford. The two appendages are thus described in Domesday :-
• " Of this manor (Leminges) three tenants of the archbishop hold two "
sulings and a half, and half a yoke, and have there five carucates
in demesne and twenty villeins with sixteen borderers, having five
c.arucates and a half, and one servant, and two mills of seven
shillings and six pence, and forty acres of pasture. There is a wood
for twelve hogs. There are two churches. On the whole it was worth
eleven pounds." In the interesting contempo1·ary record in the register
of the Monastel'y of Chl'ist Church not only are these two manol's
described, but the names of their tenants are added. " Of these ( i. e.
the seven ' sulings' of the manor of Lyminge) Rodbertus the son of
Watson holds two sulings as a tenant (in feodo ), and Robertus de
Hardl'es holds in like manner half a suling, and Osbertus Pasfora, half
a yoke." Here we have the exact "two sulings and a half, and half
a yoke" of Domesday, and are led to conclude from the proportion of
the two parishel! and manors, that while Rodbertus was the tenant of
Stanford, Robertus de Hardres and Osbertus Pasfora held the smaller
estate of Paddlesworth. In the process of time both these manors and
parishes were detached from the principal manor, and only the ecclesiastical
ties remained. One of these was recently broken by the
formation of Stanford into a separate rectory. Paddlesworth is still
an appendage to Lyminge. In the subsequent century the manor
appears to have fallen into the hands of the great Norman family of the
Criols, Lords of W estenhanger, whose devotion to the newly founded
monastery of St. Radigund of Bradsole in Polton (1191) led them to
endow it with a. farm at Paddlesworth, which remained in the possession
of that house till the dissolution. I conceive that to the monks of
this foundation, during their temporary residence he1·e, may be ascribed
the one or two features, of a highei: architectural aim1 which
contrast so strongly with· the primitive rudeness of the more ancient
parts of this little chui·ch. The patronage of the Criols might have
contributed to these improvements, while the numerous small bequests
which were left to it during the fourteenth and :fifteenth centuries preserved
it from ruin or decay. '.rhese I shall briefly mention, before I
draw your atfontion to the architectural, or rather masonic, features
which indicate so clearly a foundation before the Conquest.
PADDLESWORTH CHURCH.
In 1459, Robertus Regge after directing his burial "in the
cemetery of the church of St Oswald in Padelesworth leaves 205 to the
high altar, and 38 4d to the repair of the church."
In 1484:, John Graunt after similar directions leaves a ewe-lamb to
the light of the B. Virgin, and a bequest to the chapel of Padlesworth.
In the same year Simon Wilmington makes similar bequests to the
church of St. Oswald de Pedilsworth. But among seve1·al others (more
or less interesting) none of these ancient wills is so characteristic as
that of John Barnesdale, written in English in 1526 :-
" Fh-st, I bequeath my soule to Almighty God, to our blessed Lady
St Mary, and to all the company of bevyn, my body to be buried in the
churchyard of Padelesworth. Item, I bequeatμe to the high altar the1•e
for my tytbes or oft'rynge forgotten xxd. Item, I bequeathe towards
the making of the new image of St Oswald in the same church v.
Item, I will my executors do for my soule in the parish church of
Padelesworth the day of my burying a dirige and iii. masses ; at my
monthesmynde, a dirige with iii. priests(?) and v. masses; and at· my
yeresmynde a dirge with iii. priests and v. masses on the morrow.
And I will that every one of the said two daies, that is to say my
monthes day and my yeresmynde, there be bestowed among the poor
people·there a shepe0bake in pasties, and as much brede and drinke as
shall serve to the eting of the saide shepe. And I will that there be
doone for my soule xx. years next after my decease in the forsaid
church dirige and masse every year. . Item, to a
secular priest to sing in the same church for my soule and all my
friends soules, by the space of one hoole year x. mares-and to the
reparacion of the chm·ch there v. mares-and to palying in of the
churchyard xia, and all the residue to be spent every yea.1· in an obit,
as shall be thought necessary in equal porcions within the said church
of Padelisworth for the health of my soule and of all Christian soulesand
not only an obit but in other good deedes which shall be thought
needful to be doone in the forsaid church of Padullesworth." These
religious offices ( as I gather from the will of J obn Brett of Lyminge
in 1464) were gladly undertaken by the neighbouring canons of
St Radigund. The " new image of St Oswald" doubtless perished in
the storm of the Reformation, but its base remains still on tbe side of
the altar closely adjoining the early piscina, to which I would direct
your attention. There is an Elizabethan date carved or rather
scratched on the former, probably indicating the date of the destruction
of the image. The ancient chalice, which exactly resembles, in
Iii KENT ARCH1EOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
miniature, that at Lyminge, is withou.t doubt of the same date, 1578.
But before we pass from these historical illustrations of the building to
the actual features it presents to the eye, an incident which happened
in the fourteenth century during the al'chbishopric of Is1ip may well
detain us for a moment.
A certain woman named Sarah Cole (from whose family, probably,
the farm adjoining the church derives its name) had died in Paddlesworth,
and was buried in that chapel in prejudice of the rights of the
mother church of Lyminge. Accordingly an appeal was add1·essed to
the Archbishop, and a final decree read in the church of Maidstone
(where he was probably then i·esident) by John de Somerley, who is
styled· " Auditor and Commissary of the Court of Audiences of causes
and actions of the Lord Archbishop," to the effect that "the body of
Sarah Cole should be exhumed by the parties against whom the action
was brought (Robert Smith and William Pilcher of the hamlet of
Paddles worth), and at their own proper charges should be brought to
the church of Lyminge and there buried." This occurred in 1352.
This illustrates the fact that baptisms and burials were limited at this
time to the mother church, and that the remarkable stone which now
supports the font ( a mere modern addition) bad no connection with
any original baptismal place or with a rite ·which here, until recent
times, had no exercise. It should be borne in mind that baptismal
churches both in town and country were not numerous in the earliest
period, ana that the privilege of baptism was rarely or ever possessed
by any but churches of the highest rank.*
I may now draw attention to the structural features of the church
which illustrate these 1·emarks :-
The little round-headed windows consisting e:x:.ternally of only three
stones, and having a double (though unequal) splay, the long-and-short
work you have doubtless observed in the quoining of the nave and chancel,
the wide-jointed masonry, if masonry it can be called, suggestive of
the earliest period-these and many other features taken in connection
with the known history of the church, and further illustrated by the
fact that its wild and remote situation protected it more than any of
the neighbouring places from the Danish inroads, must lead to the belief
that the little church in which we stand belongs to a period anterior
to the Conquest ; while its dedication to St. Oswald, a name which the
Normans could have never known, and involving a claim of sanctity
which they would have never recognised, proves that it was in exist-
• Martene de .A.ntiqms Ecclesire Ritibus, lib. i., art. ii., c. 16,
P .A.DDLESWORTH CHURCH. lili
ence prior to the great survey which itself ( at least in Kent) represents
the ecclesiastical state of the period of the Confessor rather than that of
the days of the Conqueror.
The rude round opening at the side of the chancel arch, evidently
a hagioscope or squint, will not _escape the attention of those present,
who may also remark the sockets. for candles 'in the _stones of the
windows, formerly the depositolies of the many_ lights which once
illustrated the church. The South door, (which was engraved in the
now rare prospectus of Mr. Streatfeild's projected history,) is probably
of the same date as the choir of Canterbury Cathedral. It is a
feature of peculiar, interest, though at least a century later than the
north door, which belongs to the early Romanesque period.
I may mention, in conclusion, that during the • reparation and
restoration of the church a year 01· two ago, frag!llents of a Norman
arch were found in the west wa.11, which was of a later date, apparently,
than the 1·est of the building, and in a very ruinous state; while under
the church, nearly in the centre of the nave, an immense stone was
found without date or inscription, under whi!,lh at some depth, in the
sandy seil below, was a massive. oak coffin, portions of which were
very sound, but to what period or person' it belonged there was not the
slightest indication. The restoration, faithfully and loyally c.arried out
by our diocesan architect, Mr. Cla1·ke, in a true antiqual'iaxi. spirit,
elicited the strongest expressions of approval from my late friend Sir
William Tite when he visited the church immediately after ita
completion.
VOL. :X. e
( liv )
CHURCH OF ST. MARY AND ST. EANSWITH,
FOLKESTONE.
BY W, .A.. SCOTT ROBERTSON.
THE first church, built npon this site, seems to have been founded by
William de .Averenches, during the year which followed the death of
.Archbishop William Corboil; that is in 1139. The deed,* by which
William de.Averenches granted this church to the monks of Folkestone,
recites that, in the yeal' 1095, Nigel de Muneville and Emma his wife,
for the welfare of their own souls, and of the souls of the wife's parents:
William de .Archis ( or Arques) and Beatrix his wife, gave to the Abbey
of St. Mary at Louley, and to Ranulph, its Abbot, the Church of St.
Mary and St. Eanswith of Folkestone, which stood within the Castle
precincts. Respecting this new church, upon the present site, William
de .Averenchs adds that, of their own free will, the monks of Folkestono
desired to remove from the place within the Castle, whore they bad
been founded, to a certain new church which he had given them, and
to a certain place (that is the new Priory) next to that church.
With the ancient Nunnery founded, according to Tanner, in A.D.
630, at Folkestone, this church has no connection whatever, beyond
its partial dedication to St. Eanswith. Whether the Nunnery was, or
was not, founded so early as 630, it seems certain, according to Spelman,
that it was in existence in A,D, 694, when the council of Bcccanccld
was held. The convent is mentioned in the Saxon will, dated A,D. 885,
of Abba the Reeve. t He therein directs that his body shall be bmicd
at Folkestone, to which he leaves 10 oxen, 10 cows, 100 ewes, and
100 swine. He likewise leaves to the convent 50 pence, provided his
wife should obtain admission therein, either with his body or afterwards.
.A further clause directs that whoever shall possess his lands
shall give, annually, to the convents of Folkestone and Lyminge, 50
ambers of malt, 6 ambers of groats, 3 weys of bacon and cheese, and
400 loaves, 1 ox, and 6 sheep. What became of the Folkestone
convent is matter of great doubt. Capgrave, in his ' Life of St.
Eanswith,' says the Nunnery was swallowed up by the sea. In
Twysden's 'X. Scriptores,' however, we a1·e told that it was desti·oyed
# Dugdale's 'Monasticon,' vol. iv., pp. 678•4-,
t Thorpe's 'Diplomatarium,' pp. 4-10•1,
FOLKESTONE CHURCH.
by the Danes. This statement is supported by the only documentary
evidence that remains. A charter, granted by King .A.thelstan to
Christ Church, Canterbury, in .A.n. 927, mentions that the Nunnery
had been destroyed by the Heathen*(" antequam pagani destruxissent
locum illum ,,),
At a11 events the destruction, whether wrought by the sea, or by
the Danes, had taken place long before. the Domesday Survey, or the
N 01·man Conquest.
The :five churches mentioned by th Domesday Survey, when it
describes William de Archis' property of Fulchestan, were, as Hasted
has very properly pointed out; not in the town, nor in the present
parish. They were those which then existed within the limits of the
Honour, or Barony, of Folkestone. The· extent of that Honour is
proved by the enumeration, in Domesday, of no less than ten knights
who held lands, within the 1:Ionour, from William de Arques ( or
Archis) its Lord. The five churches may p1·obably have been those of
Folkestone, .A.lkham, Mauregge, now dalled Capel, Hawkinge and
Cheriton. There was but one church at Folkestone in A.D. 1291,
when the 'Taxatio' of Pope Nicholas IV. was made, and that was
certainly the existing Church of St. Mary and St. Eanswith.
Of the original church built upon this site, in A.n. 1.139 accordins
to the charter already cited, no remains can be pointed out. .Although
the charter of the . founder is cited from a 1·ecord of so late a date as
the fourth year of Henry IV., it is particular in connecting the William
de Averenches, who first built upon this site, with John Bishop of
Rochester, who acted as custodian of the tempora1ities· of the See of
Cante1·bmy, upon the death of .Archbishop Corboil, in 1138. Otherwise
we might fairly be inclined to believe that the builder of the first
church, on this site, was the last William de Averenches. He lived
in the time of King John, from whom he obtained confirmation of the
grant of a weekly market here, which had been previously accorded to
Jeffrey Fitz. Peter. Certainly the a1·chitecture of the existing chancel
proves that it was either built, or renewed, in the 13th century, and
possibly during the lifetime of the last William de Avei·enches.
About forty years after this church is said to have been founded
here, the incumbent of Facheston (who ws also parson, of Langport
in Lydd) was ordel'ed to pay to Lewes Priory th·e sum of 40s. for
Bul'ial Fees. This order made by Richard, Archbishop of Cante1·bury,
and Pope .Alexander III., is recorded in the Lewes Chartulnry. The
Rev. Arthur Hussey, in his 'Notes on the Churches of Kent and
* Dugdale'a 'Mon11sticon,' iv., 678.
e2
lvi KENT ARCHlEOLOGICAL SOCIETY,
Sussex,' states that this" Fachestone" must be identical with Folkestone.
The old lancet windows of the chancel, its clerestory lights now ,.
blocked up, its two aumbries, ( each tall and rectangular, with a vertical
mullion dividing its aperture,) and the small piscina, all seem to belong
to the early English period, or thirteenth century. Possibly they
were here when King John worshipped in this church, during May
1216. These marked feature of the chancel, together with the form
of the pillars and arches of its two ·short arcades, prove that if the
church was built in the 12th century, its eastern po1·tion must have
been altered during the 13th, when the chancel aisles were built. Of
the Early English chancel aisles nothing l'emains but the two arcades;
it is evident that the outer walls were rebuilt at a later period, but
probably upon the old lines. The pillars and piers of these chancel
arcades are of ragstone, their shafts are round, and their " a crochet"
capitals are plainly, almost roughly, ornamented with broad leaves
terminating, at their upper ends, in projecting knobs. The hardness
of the· stone is sufficient to account for ,the lack of elaboration in the
work; caps of the same design a1·e to be seen in the chancel arch of
W estcliff Church.
What occurred to the enlarged church, or to its incumbent, we do
not know, but at the end of the 13th century, or in the first years
of the 14th, a sequestration was issued against it, by Archbishop
Winchelsey.*
A few years later, on the 6th of the Ides of February 1323, Archbishop
Reynoldst admitted Peter de Steoke to the benefice, upon the
nomination of the Prior of Folkestone. This vicar was probably a
near relation of the then Prior, Robert de Stocheus, to whom on the
11th of January 18 Ed. IL (1325) the custodians during war of the
goods of Alien Priories (Wm. de Cotes and Stephen de Helham)
delivered certain property, according to his Majesty's 1·oyal command.
These goods:j: comprised, inter alia, a silver chalice worth 13s. 4d.; 2
pairs of vestments each worth 5s. ; 1 Portiforium worth 5s. ; 2
Psalters worth 2s. each; • 4 beds worth 4s. each ; 1 horse worth 2
marks; and sundry kinds of live and dead stock. ';rhis fact proves
that Dugdale§ was in error when he said that Folkestone Pl'iory
escaped the usual seizure, made by the Crown, of all the • prope1-ty of
!\.lien Cells, whenever war broke out between England and France.
* Winchelsey's 'Register,' 176 b. t Reynolds' 'Reg.,' 251 b.
:J: 'A.lien Priory Records,' -t:i· 22 j., in Public Record Office.
§ 'Monasticon1' iv. 67,
FOLKESTONE CHURCH: I-vii
The l'ecord shews that the goods of this Priory were seized when wal'
broke out, and restored when peace was established. Further evidence
of the same fact is found in the Registers of the Archbishops of Cantel'bury.
In !slip's '.Register,' King Edward III. is, on four occasions,
mentioned as patron of this bene:fice, and on the first of them the reason
is clearly .stated. On the 6th of the kalends of Jnne 1351, William
Corner was admitted to this benefice upon the presentation of " King
Edward, the temporalities of the :Priory of Folkestone being in his
hand owing to the war."*
The King (Richard II.) was likewise patron in 1385 when, on
the 21st -January, Robert Newton, Vicar of Newington next Hythe,
was admitted to the vicarng of Folkestoe, upon his exchange with
John Russell the former vicar. (Courtenay's 'Reg.,' 259 b.)
Dugdale's further statement, that Folkestone Priory enjoyed the
privilege of choosing its own Prior, and merely paid a small annual
contribution to the superior house at Lully, seems to be inconsistent.
with entries in the Archiepiscopal .Registers. We there find it recol'ded
that on the 8 Kal. Nov. 1361, John Abbot of Loulay pl'esented Jacob
of Soissons to be Prior ;t also that on 3 Non. June 1372 Paschal, the
Abbot, presented Sampson of Senst (monk of Lully) to l?e Prior of
Folkestone, and that Sampson of Sens upon his resignation, in 1376,
July 3, acting as Vicar General in England of the Abbey of Lalley,
nominated Nicholas Barbarot to be Prior:§
In July 1325 this church was, doubtless, the scene of imposing
ceremonies connected with the death, in Folkestone Priory, of' John
Salmon, Bishop of Norwich. He had landed at this place, ill, on his
return fNm France, and although he was ultimately carried to his own
Cathedral church for inte1·ment, most probably his herse would first be
erected in this church.
A few years later, in 1338, King Edwal'd III. issued an order
which affected this and many other· churches upon the coast. The
01·der, dated on the 20th of November, forbade the ringing .of mo1·e
than one bell in any church that stood within seven leagues of the
sea. The object of such restriction was to provide an easy method of
· warning the inhabitants if an enemy should land upon their shores. In
* !slip's.' Register,' 256 b. Other A.L ltECORDS OF FOtKESTONE. ixxix
adjoining the church, which some of you may see to-morrow. A Cinque
Port, deserted by the sea, and its haven choked up with shingle, cannot
. present a more desolate aspect t,han . a country town forsaken by its
market people, with its market-place covered with straggling. tufts of
grass. And such is the town over which, as one of her great manors,
the Infanta of Kent once reigned. In the following year Thomas
Harvey, the father of the great discoverer of the circulation of the
blood, who was then a Jurate, and in 1600 was elected Mayor, was
among othe1·s appointed to collect the· ship money, the estimates
for which were so doubtful that its collection was put off till they
could be clearly seen. At this time an insight is given us t<> the
then neglected pool' of Folkestone, in an inventory of the goods of
William Wilson, deceased, in 1596, whose effects are thus given in a
true auctioneering form :-
" The goods of William Wilson late deceased-a badde fetherbeda
badde fether pillow-3 sheetes-a badde coverlet-2 pewter dishes!
old kettle-priced by Tho5 Kennett, :fisherman, at 14s. 6d,"
Though money was scarce in these days, and the disbursements of
the Corporation are almost always reckoned in shillings and pence, we
find that when the Lord Grace of Canterbury preached here, in 1598,
five pounds eleven shillings were spent-whether in eating and
drinking, or in charitable objects, the record fails to say. In 1600,
the Queen's Players again visit Folkestone. Was Shakespeare among
them? Did he gain his knowledge of the great cliff, that bem·s his
name, during this or any previous visit ? These are questions which
our fancy may w:ell revel in, even if our judgment is unable to decide
them. At the same time the good Mr. Ha1·vey was engaged in riding
several times to Canterbury, to speak with !\fr. Boys, the counsel for
the town, to whom the municipality (which always gave its presents in
kind) sent a. dish of lobstel's, value 6s. Presently the glorious l'eign of
Elizabeth fades on our sight, and the failing light appem·s somewhat
grotesquely in the pages of the Assembly-book, having this orief and
touching mentio :-
" Paid for beer when the late Queen (Elizabeth's) funeral was
solemnized, 2s."
I must now, in order to give better effect to my very fragmentary
materials, endeavour to put them into a kind of conventional setting,
and ask you to accompany me to the middle of the following century
(about the year 1650), and to accept my invitation to spend a long day
with me in the Folkestone of that primitive period. I propose to
bring together, into one day, in order to preserve the unitieR of my
lxxx ·:itENT AlWR.MOLOGicAL SOCIETY.
drama, a number of scattered facts which are grouped a1:ound the year
1650, and a few subsequent years, in the annals of the town. The day
I shall select will be . the anniversary of the Annuncition, on which
the Mayors have-from time immemorial been elected. I must premise
that the history of a town so quietly situated as this realizes the title
which a recent popular memoir has assumed, "The Memorials of a
Quiet Life.!' Folkestone had, indeed, at this time a peculiarly quiet
life. The political and religious turmoils which raged in its mothertown
of Dover had here only a faint and distant echo. Folkestone
received its law from Dover, from the invitation to the guestling
banquets to the strangely contrasted prohibitions against eating flesh
during Lent, all which the "Boder," as he is called, brought to the
Corporation from the Castle. It appears during the Cromwellian
peri°od to have retained its loyalty, for though the Recognizance Books
made mention of the Lord Protector from stern necessity, the Assemblybooks
mention only the actual year during this period, and I find. in
these no allusion to his usurpation. Only two J urates and one or two
commoners were displaced in 1660, as "eminently active against his
Majesty, or of dangerous principles," on the order being issued for
"replacing in the magistracy such as were loyal to his Majesty during
the late differences in this nation." And these were removed only for
" going away and evading," and the other for "openly refusing to take
the oaths of allegiance and· supremacy:'' Among the traces of the
Civil War in the Assembly-books I find the following notices :-in 1639,
I :find a ietter addressed to the Corporation for the " repressing and
punishing the rebellious and traitorous assemblie in Lambeth and
Southwark, and for the apprehension of John Orchar, George Seares,
William Seltrara, and other rebellious persons." It was not till 1641
that Lambeth Palace was actually attacked, at the instigation of
Lilbourne, by the London Apprentices, so that some preliminary
tumulti; seem here referred to. In 1640, a letter comes for the apprehending
of certain mutinous of the County of Dorset, who, amongst
other outrages, did cruelly murder Lieutenant ·Mohun, of Faringdon,
in the County of Berks. The same year inti·oduces us to a general
muster and ,iew of arms, which foreshadows the coming strife, while
two proclamations for the payment of ship-money, which was in arrear,
give ominous warning of the terrible events which were 1-ipening.
Amid all these troubles, the great beverage of Kent was not neglected,
and :fines were exacted for " uttering and selling of beere in stone
jugges or cruses, and small pots, unsealled. contrary to the law."
Perhaps it was the Mayor's duty to see that what with us is still called
MUNICIPAL RECORDS OF FOLKESTONE. lxxxi
the " Lowance," should not be shortened by the numerous victuallers
who were flourishing in the town, whose houses were reckoned in 1730
at neal'ly thirty in number. And now that we have tided over the period
of the Civil War itself, and fallen under the parliamentary rule, and
that of ·the " Keeper of the Liberties of England," as he is called at
this period, I will renew my invitation to my hearers to spend the long
rlay in Folliestone, which these preliminary remarks have, from a
chronological neccessity, delayed. I assume the Annunciation Day, in
1650,- to be a bright cheerful morning, inviting U$ to go out to see the
night-watch relieved and the day-watch set on. They meet at what is
called the place of" Randevowe," in the town, where, at the sound of
the dmm, tbe inhabitants assemble, and receive an account of their
various watches, wbich have been ca1·ried on along the coasts and in
the town: They appear to have hunted in pairs, and to. have kept on
their watch for two hours, being relieved at these inte1·vals by other
townsmen. I may note that 1650 was the last year of their service,
for in 1651 it is announced that the "slight watch, used in this town,
shall be forthwith laid down and discontinued, until there be found
further cause for taking it up again." This marks the close of the
Civil Wa1·1 and the settlement of the new government. Doubtless the
return of 'these watchmen to thei1· homes must have made their last
" Randevowe " a very pleasant one, and bas probably led to the
designation of the street which goes by that name. We pass, now, to
the haven in the eastern extremity of the town, in orde.r to watch the
boats and crews as they are starting for their fishing expeditions to the
south and easter coasts, extending from Yarmouth to Scarborough.
Eve1·y head of this little fleet appears to have been furnished with
pecuniary aid by· the Corporation, to start him and his "companie"
on their journey. First come the Yarmouth fishennen, preparing for
the summer season ; then those for Scarborough ; then the more
venturesome, who are bound to foreign ports, Havre and the North Sea;
then, though last not least, _the home-fleet, which takes to the. hook
and the net in less distant waters. The contributions to these are
called, in the Assembly-books, "Hook-fare" and "Shot-fare "-the
nets being shot out into the sea in order to this harvest.
From the harbour we ·will proceed to the churchyard, or 1·atber the
churchyard-cross, now tumed into a modern sun-dial-t.hen probably
retaining its ancient Christian form. A great concourse is gathering
round it, and presently the procession of the Mayor, and the Jurates
and freemen are summoned by the " brazen borne" ( which you see
before you) and which appears to me to have its name inscribed upon
lxxxii KENT AIWH1EOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
it, in honest confession that it has no claim to represent a more costly
metal. The procession forms itself around the croiis, somewhat impeded
( as we may imagine) by the tombstones already gathering round it, the
melancholy records of mayors and jurates who had heard the "brazen
horne " i n other days. Several sturdy men bring up the chest of the
Corporation, for which they recive the munificent gift of fourpence.
The common chest is opened, and the records therein (from which I
am quoting) are then openly shewed, and the customs of the town
distinctly read. Hereupon the commons and freemen depart unto the
church to proceed to the election of the Mayor. The office was certainly
not a lucrative one, the salary being apparently about £3 10s.
But the honour was great ; for I find that the plainest commoner is
immediately mentioned as an esquire. But let us pass on amid the
joyful sounds of bell-ringing, and a haPP.Y concourse of all the commons-"
my good communes and servants," as Lord Olynton termed
them-to· the Guildhall, then a very plain edifice, very little resembling
the costly building in which we are assembled. Here the more serious
business begins, and the office of the Mayor is proved to need all the
meekness of Moses, with· much of the wisdom of Solomon, First, a
knotty question arises regarding the payment of the members of the
Corpol'ation, who each receive sixpence for their attendance and trouble
in electing the Mayor. This is given them to spend upon meat and
drink, in one of the numerous victualling houses of the town; but
some, in thrifty mood, determine .to fast, and take home the sixpence
to their wives and families. It was therefore "put to the question
whether for the future a freeman, ,vho shall be at the election of Mayor,
and doth his service there, shall have his usual allowance of sixpence
absolutely, though he do not go to dinner at some of the inns or
victualling places of the town, and spend it the saroe day (un:less it be
upon the Lord's day), and, in case it be the Lord's day, then to be
spent the next day. And by the majority of the voices in the Assembly
it was voted in the negative." The victuallers, therefore, carried the
day, and the forfeited sixpences contributed, no doubt, to increase their
profits. But now a much more serious case presents itself. John
Medgett is called upon to take the oath of a J urate, and openly refuses
to do so. The Assembly inflict a fine of £5 upon him. He positively
refuses to pay, and, adding insult to this great outrage, addresses the
Mayor and Council,-" Godfathers, I thank ye," and further said,
" Before I come in to be a J urate of this town you shall first put my
bead in the stocks," adding these words, as a special compliment to Mr.
Mayor, '' If you cannot use me well, pray use me as well as you can."
MUNICIPAL RECORDS OF FOLKESTONE. lxxxiii
Then, with great naivete, he continued, " If you have set down all that
I have spoken, I think I shall not be allowed to be a fitting man."
Whereupon, Mr. Mayor, telling him of his trifling and jeering, the
said John Medgett further proceeded, saying, ''Over shoes, over boots.''
What was to be done with a man who pro\'ed himself so very hard to
gain, and yet ::io much too good to lose? At first the .Assembly was
extremely irate, and proposed to imprison him in the town-hall, in the
custody of the Sergeant, but as this is cancelled with the pen, it may
be supposed that some more prudent members had warned them of the
very doubtful legality of the proposal. Finally, it is decided that the
fine shall be levied out of his goods and. chattels. Hereupon, a sudden
work of conversion ensues. John Medgett returns to a better mindhe
takes the oath-the fine is remitted, and the history ends by the
.Assembly ordering that " all former passages concerning this business
shall be forgol.ten and buried in oblivion," which they most characteristically
accomplish, by inserting the entire narrative in all its passages
in their public records. Does any one desire to know the future of the
1·ecalcitrant J urate? His proverb, " Over shoes, over boots," was true
to the last; for after serving faithfully as a Jurate, he went in for the
mayoralty, and, as we should translate it, his " in fot· a penny, in fol' a
pound " was verified. Is it not written in these very chronicles that
he became "John Medgett, Esqr, Mayor of Folkestone."
The defence of the town next claims their attention. Three pieces of
ordnance are got from Dover Castle, " for the safeguard and defence of
the town in this great time of need.'' Then the matter of the haven again
comes up. It was actually choked with shingle, and needs the nerve and
sinew of all Folkestone to clear it out. It ia ordered accordingly (I
am rather postdating this order, which was given some years before,
though probably 1·enewed afterwards), that "towards cleaning and
expulsing of the beach from the. haven or harbour, from henceforth
upon the call or beat of the drum, or any sufficient warning, all and
every householder •ithin the said town and liberty, either by themselves,
or by some other fit and able person, shall repair to the said
harbour, furnished with shovels or other fitting and meet tools or
instruments, for the cleaning, scouring, and expulsing of the said
beach out of the said hayen, and to bestow their best endeavours,
labours, and pains to that end, and to abide and continue their said
labour, as the Mayor or his deputy shall conceive to be :fitting and
meet." In default, every one is to pay a forfeit of sixpence. Imagine
fashionable Folkestone turning out with spades and shovels on such a
work as this! The harbour would certainly have presented a singulai•
lxxxiv KENT AltCHlEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
spectacle, whether the hquseholders or their deputies undertook this
work of "expulsing" the offending beach. Nor was this inanimate
foe all that Folkestone had to legislate against. Contrary to what are
termed ·the "ancient decrees of the town," hogs and swine, without
any overlookers or owners, are permitted " to go up and down the·
streets, and forasmuch as the Mayor and J urates do hold it to be an
abuse if hogs and swine go about the town without some owner, or
his assigns, to follow them," they attach a penalty of fourpence to
every offending hog-a penny to gq to the crier, and threepence to
the town.
But now it is time to ccompany the Mayor and his officials to the
market-pJace, where he ha:s certain duties to perform, in conjunction
with the town Serg·eant. Here an exciting scene occurs. The town
Sergeant, one Thomas Spicer, had (as our record tells us) "carried
himself, both to the Mayor and Jurates, very saucily, impudently, and
coarsely, and had been often told by them that he must not keep his
place if he mended not his manners." Mindless of this, the misguided
man beards the Mayor in the market-place, who ( as he was a very
meek man) at first mildly and· gently told him of his disorderly carriage:
willing him to amend his manners both for his own good and for the
credit of the town. Mistaken kindness. He now carries himself as
bad as formerly, or worse. A vehement altercation ensues. Spicer
becomes (as we read) "more violent and virulent than before. Whereupon
the Mayor, seeing himself slighted, and the magistrates of the
said town so much by their servant disgraced and undervalued,·
dismisses him from his office ; on which the said Spicer, in the said
market, in a clamorous manner, affirmed that he ared not, and that he
would and sould come into his said place again." It is needless to
add that he did not, and that we nnd no further notices of Sergeants
rebelling against the Mayor, or fined for swearing, as was the case
with this reprehensible official. By this time our day is nearly
drawing to an end, and after a turn upon the Lees, then a wild common,
with no lodgings to be had, except on the cold ground, and, indeed,
lodging-house keeping at this time (probably from the fear of the
plague) was a very losing game, and, without the consent of the Mayor,
could not be entered upon at all, we will end onr long day, in old
Folkeritone, by returning to the Rendezvous, and seeing the nightwatch
set on its arduous duties at the sound of the town-drum, retiring
to rest in the full persuasion that the three pieces of ordnance from •
Dover Castle, and the " slight watch," as it ,yas called in the day
when " it was laid down and discontinued/ may well protect us in so
MUNIOIPA L RECORDS OF FOLKESTONE. lxxxv
well-ordered a town, and among so well-disp?sed a people as Folkestone
and the Folkestoners of that or any late1· day.
:But a day of much greater danger than that which brought these
pieces of .ordnance from Dover dawned upon the town, within the
memory, probably, of many whom I am addressing-the year of the
thl'eatened invasion from France, the traditions of which in this neighbourhood
are still most vivid, and will hardly be effaced from the ininds
of the generations to come. We are still told by the more aged among
us, of the plans for blocking up the roads with felled timber, and many
other last resources of energetic and never-despairing patriotism. But
we have al,Ilong the papers of the town-chest a -more definite record of
_this season of peril, in the form of returns from every ward into which
the borough was divided, of all males of sufficient age to bring anything
. into the field, and of every weapon they possessed, fl·om a spade or a
shovel to a sword or a gun-for rifles in that primitive age were ou of
the question. I 1·emember, when I :first came to Lyminge, I. found a
sermon of my predecessor, preached at the moment when the invasion
was supposed to be imminent, beginning with the gloomy vaticination
that perhaps before the next Sunday dawned upon us we might cease
to be an indepen4ent nation, and of course drawing a moi·al from our
great emergency which was scarcely more salutary then than it would
be now, in our day of imagined security, and amid the pel'ils of luxury
and prosperity. Possibly the spades and the shoYels, upon which the
worthy Mayor of an earlier day relied for " expulsing the beach from
the haven,". would have been quite as effective as the miscellaneous
weapons, named in the rturns, would have been for the "expulsing '.'
of the foreign invader.
VOL. X. g
( lxxxvi )
MEMOIR OF JOHN PHILIPOT, THE HERALD.
B:Y w. A. SCOTT RODERTSON.
PHILIPOT was born at Folkestone in the reign of Queen Elizabeth,
but we cannot disco'\"er the exact year of his birth. The baptismal
registers of the parish do not assist us, for the earliest now in existence
commences with the year 1635. His father, Henry Philpot, possessed
considerable property in Folkestone, of which town he had been Mayor.
He was lessee of the rectorial tithes, and was buried in the parish
church in 1603. From is will, dated in 1602, we learn that his
son John was then a boy at school; he was probably born between
1587 and 1592. His mother, Judith Philpot, was a daughter and
coheir of David Leigh, servant to the Archbishop of Canterbury.
She and the executors of Henry Philpot's will were directed to keep
the lad at school, and to pay for his education out of the annual proceeds
of eighteen acres of land in Romney Marsh, which the testator
had purchased from Robert Gaunt. When his education was tompleted,
he was to be apprenticed to an honest man of such trade as the executors
thought most fit.'k Upon attaining his majority, he was to xeceive a
sum of oney equivalent to five years' profits of the said eighteen acres
of marsh land. So· long as his mother Judith lived, the sum of £10
per annum was to be paid to him, but upon her deeease the houses and
lands in Folkestone which had been bequeathed to her were to pass to
her son, John Philipot. To his eldest brother, Thomas,· was left a
house in which he lived, and leases of the rectorial tithes and parsonages
of Coldred t and Folkestone. The will mentions t,o other brothers
of John Philipot, named David and Henry, and one sister, Elizabeth.
We may here remark upon the signature adopted by our herald.
His father's name was Philpot, but for some reason which he has not
left upon record, John Philipot insisted upon inserting an "i " between
* In the license for his maniage, dated 24 Dec. 1612, he is styled citfaen and
woollen draper of London.
t This Thomas Philpot is (like hls father) described as of Shepherdswold as
well as of Folkestone. He was a captain, and married Elizabeth daughter and
sole heir of Thomas Long, of .Allhallows in Canterbury; by whom he had an
only daughter and heir, Judith, who married Gabriel Marsh, captain of one of
the King's ships, and had issue living in 1634.
t Cold.red adjoins Shepherdswold or Sibertswold, and the Vicarages are con-
1301idated,
MEMOIR OF JOHN PHILIPOT. lxxxvil
the "l II and "p," thus turning the name into Philipot. Perhaps he
purposely rvived an old form of the name, which occurs repeatedly in
the municipal records of Hythe during the 15th century, as" Philipot."
This peculiarity of signature is useful as distinguishing him from many
other John Philpots, who lived at the same period. Especially useful
has it been to me, in proving that he was :g.ot that John Philpot who
was a barrister of Gray's Inn, and Mayor of Faversham, in 1616.
As Lord Zouch, the Warden of the Cinque Ports, was an active
friend of both, it is probable that these two Johns were nearly related.
The earliest work of the herald, that I have been able to trace, is a
MS. pedigree of the descendant11 of Sir John Philipot, Lord Mayor
of London in 1378. His son is therein called " Lord of Philipot Lane,
in the right of his ancestors,'' and his representative in the year 1615,
when the pedigree was drawn out, was Sir John Philipot ofThruxton,
seventh in descent from the Lord Mayor. Our hero is believed to have
traced his own descent from this civic dignitary.
At the end of the year 1612, John Philipot was married to Susan,
only daughter and heir of William Glover, one of the gentlemen
ushers daily waiters in the court of James I. Her mother waa daughter
of Henry Harlackenden, and her father's b1·other was Robert Glover,
the genealogist, who was Somerset Herald. • She surviv:ed.her husband,
and lies buried, together with her eldest daughter Susan, i the chancel
of Eltham Church.
The date of Philipot's first appointment, as Blanch. Lion Pursuivant
Extraordinary, cannot be ascertained, but upon the 13th November,
1618, he was appointed Rouge Dragon,* one of the fom· actual pursuivants.
From a list of the salaries of such officers, extant in Queen
Elizabeth's Annual Expense Book,t we find that in the year 1584
Rouge Dragon's salary was £10 per annum. This was probably the
fixed value of the office when Philipot held it. Later, in the year
1700, the salary had risen to £20, but at all times the principal
income of the pursuivants and heralds must have been derived from
fees.
By this office be was brought into close connection with William
Camden, the antiquary and historian, for whom be entertained p1·ofound
respect and esteem. After Camden's death, some of the manusc1·ipts
which he had left unpublished were edited by Philipot, as " Remains
concerning Britain.''
In 1619 be made a" Visitation of Kent," and upon the title-page
* Graat Book, p. 250. Jas. I. State Paper Office,
t Peck's Desiderata Ouriosa, p. 62.
fJ 2
lxxxviii KENT AROHlEOLOGIOAli SOCIETY.
of the MS. he styles himself " Rouge Dra.gon, Deputy and Assistant
to Wm Camden, Clarenceux King of Al'ms." This 'Visitation of
Kent' has never been published. Dr. Howard has printed a large
portion of it ( with copious notes and a.dditions) in '.Archreologia
Cantiana,' and we hope that he will eventually complete his valuable
edition of the MS.
During that year, 1619, _Queen Anne, the consort of James I., was
buried in Westminster Abbey. At the funeral ceremony, which took
place in Henry VII.'s chapel, Philipot was in attendance, officiating
as Rouge _ Dragon Pursuivant.-r.·
Two years later, in June, 1621, he assisted at the very remarkable
ceremony of the degradation from knighthood of Sir Francis Michell, t
an ol!l Justice. Sir Francis had but -very recently been knighted. The
cause of degradation was his grievous exactions from public innkeepers
and sellers of beer. For these exactions the House of Commons
caused Sir Francis Michell to be sent to the Tower, through the city of
London, with great disgrace, at the end of January, 1621. On the
5th of May he was brought to trial, and se ntenced to be degraded from
knighthood; but the sentence was to be without prejudice to his wife
and children. He was lilrnwise fined &1,000, and to be confined in
Finsbury Prison during the King's pleasure. Upon the day of his
degradation he was brought by the Sheriff of London to Westminster
Hall about three o'clock in the afternoon. There sat the Commissioners
for the office of Ead Marshal, and before them Philipot read the sentence
of Parliament against Sir Francis Mich ell. Then commenced the
formal ceremony of degradation. The knight's spurs were hacked oft
and being broken in pieces by servants of the Earl Marshal, were
thrown away ; the silver sword was takn from his side, broken over
the unfortunate knight's bead, and likewise thrown away. Finally,
he was pronounced to be no longer a knight, but a knave. Thus ended
this most singular and, fortunately, unusual ceremony, and F1·ancis
Michell, no longer a knight, was led away to his cell in Finsbury
Prison.
In the year 1622 a remarkable action ,vas brought against Philipotf
in the Court of Common Pleas, by Ralph Brooke, Y 01·k Herald. Brooke
sued Rouge Dragon for bis share of the fees given to the heralds
and pursuivants, on two great occasions of State ceremonial. One was
the First Tilt or Tournament of the Prince of Wales, James I.' s eldest
son, who soon afterwards died, during the lifetime of his father. Of
• Nichols, Progresses, Jas. I., iii. 639,
t Nichols, Prog., Jas. I., iii, 666-7.
+ State Papers, Dom., J11s, I., vol. cxx."'I:., No, 129'.
MEMOIR OF JOHN PHILTPOT. lxxxix
this first tilt we have no particulars, but we know that Prince Henry
was passionately fond of these entertainments, and that during the last
years of his life they increased in number greatly .. The other State
ceremonial, for which York Herald claimed a share of the fees, was the
funeral of the Queen Consort, of which we have ah·eady spoken.
In 1622 the Visitation of Hampshire, and in the following year,
1623, the Visitations of Berkshire and Gloucestershire were completed
by Philipot as Deputy of Camden, Clarenceux King of Al'ms. In the
last two named he was assisted by Henry Ohitting, Chester Herald.
A copy of the visitation of Berks is preserved in the British Museum,
in Additional MSS., No. 1532.
It would seem that our Folkestone worthy was by no means satisfied
with heraldic work, and the duties of his office as Rouge Dragon.
His brother Thomas, who resided at Folkestone, and was mayor of the
town, had writ.ten to Lord Zouch, Warden of the Five Ports, saying
that the Bailiff of Sandwich, Mr. Mills, was willing to surrender that
office to John Philipot.* It seemed, however, that the reversion of
this post had already been promised to one Ed ward Kelk: The Mayor
of Folkestone, Thomas Philpot, suggested that Kelk might be bought
out of his reversionary right, and he wrote to Lord Zou.eh, begging his
lordship to use his influence in obtaining permission for Relk to accept
a sum of money in lieu of the reversion. The Mayor's first letter upon
the subject is preserved in the State Paper Office, and is dated 12th
July, 1621. No progress,. however, seems to have been made in the
matter until two years later, when Lord Zouch wrote to Sir Edward
Conway, t requesting his furtherance in procuring for John Philipot the
office of Bailiff of Sandwich. It then appeared that there waa another
competitor for the office, one Windebank. The Philpot family, however,
having persuaded Mills, the old bailiff, ·to resign, and having
bought out Kelk's reversionary interest in the office, found means ot
pe1·suading Windebank to retire; and on the 10th of July, 1623, the
King appointed our herald, John Philipot, to be Bailiff of Sandwich.
From the number of applicants for the office, and from the great efforts
made by the Philpot family, th1·ough Lord Zouch, to obtain it for our
hero, we may suppose that the office was lucrative. Six days after
Philipot's appointment, a disappointed applicant, named Lord, went to
Secretary Conway with a letter from Sir John. Naunton, recommending
him for the reversion of the office.:j: He would seem to have obtained
nothing for his pains, as Philipot obtained the reversion of the office fo1·
*t Dom. State Papers, Jas. I., ., 17. Dom. State Papers, Jas. I., c:dvii., 33.
t Dom. State Papers, Jas. I., c:dviii., 112.
xc KENT .A.ltC!H..EOLOGICA.lA SOCIETY.
one Gabriel Marsh, who was probably.the husband of bis niece Judith.
This grant is dated July 17, 1628.
In the following year, 1624, Philip ot was appointed Somerset
Herald, upon the resignation of Robert Treswell, whom he probably
bought out. The docquet of his appointment is dated June 23rd, 1624.
He thereby vacated the minor office of Rouge Dragon, in which he was
succeeded by Thomas Thompson. From the list of Queen Elizabeth's
Annual Expenses, we learn that in 1584 the office of Somerset Herald
was worth only £13. 6s. 8d. per annum. The fees, however, would be
many and heavy.
Little more than a year after his appointment, one of these heavy •
fees accrued to Philipot. James I. died at his palace of Theobalds, in
Hertfordshire, on the 27th of March, 1625. On that day week, April
3rd, four Officers of .Arms, one of whom was our herald, rode to
Theobalds. After dinner the body of the late King was brought into
the Presence-chamber, and there, under a pall of black velvet and
sheet of holland, it rested two hours, attended by the four officers of
arms, and by the gentlemen of the Privy Chamber. Three warnings
were then sounded by trumpeters, and upon the third warning Philipot
and the heralds put on their coats of arms, and reverently attended
upon the late King'a body, as it was borne down to the first court.
There it was laid upon a carriage specially prepai'ed for it, covered with
black velvet, and drawn by six horses in black velvet trappings and
feathers. Then the cavalcade set out upon its journey to London.
Before the body rode Philipot and his fellow heralds, together with his
father-in-law Glover, the gentleman usher in waiting, preceded by te
King's servants. Beside the funeral car l'l!,n the footmen, just a they
would have done about the King's carriage had he been alive. After
the funeral car followed the lords and others that were at Theobalds,
who had coaches. In every town and village, Philipot and his companio
ns took off their hats and went bareheaded. At Kingsland the
other officers of arms fell in, and at Wood's Close the Royal guards,
with one hundred and twenty coaches containing the peers, joined the
procession. It was reinforced at Smithfield by the addition of the
Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London. Passing through Holborn
and Chancery Lane the cavalcade proceeded to Denmark House, which
was reached at eight o'clock in the evening. To guide the procession
through the darkness no less than 3,600 to rches were distributed; the
guards, bareheaded and on horseback, carried torches al'ound the
funeral car, and footmen of all the noblemen bore torches beside theil'
masters' coaches. Thus the first day's ceremonial ended.
'.MEMOiR OF jOiiN PH!LIPOT, .
XCI
For four weeks the body of James I. lay in state at Denmark
House. On the evening of the 30th of April it was removed to the
Privy Chamber, Philipot and his fellow heralds waiting in their coats
of arms. On Saturday morning the funeral took place ; the officers of
arms attended it until the time of proceeding to Westminster. So great
was the multitude of people (8,000 or 9,000) that although the first
mourners set out from Somerset House about ten o'clock in the
morning, the last did not arrive at Westminster Hall until four in the
afternoon.
In the procession John Philipot had a place of honour near the
body. He was followed by the g1·eat banner of England, borne by
the Earls of Nottingh11,m and Anglesea, and Viscount Andover, behind
whom were the four principal heralds bearing, one the spurs of
the late King, another his gauntlets, a third his helmet and crest, the
fourth his targe. After them came Norroy King-of-arms with the
King's sword, Clarenceux with his coat of arms, and the Lord
Chamberlain with his own staff of office. Around the coffin of the
King twelve bannerols were borne by knights and gentlemen, one of
whom, Sir Oliver Cromwell, bo1:e a name which soon became notorious.
Garter King-of-arms preceded the young King, who followed as chief
mourner.
When they arrived at Westminster Abbey, Philipot with the other
officers of arms attended Charles I. to the communion table, where he
made an offering in the name of the late King his father, after which
he returned to his chair. Again he rose, and a second time, attended
by the officers of arms and Philipot, approached the holy table, where
he made an offering for himself, and there remained to 1·eceive the
hatchments and armour of his 1·oyal father. These were presented by
various earls. Probably this, and the Coronation of Charles I., were
the grandest ceremonies at which Philipot ever had the honour of
officiating. • A record in the State Paper Office shews the allowance of
black cloth made to each of the officials for mourning at King James's
funeral. Philipot's portion was nine yards for himself, and six yards
for two men,
During the same year, 1625, we find notices of our hero as Bailiff
of Sandwich. Among the State Papers there is a warrant,«· dated July
17, for the payment to him of £.250 for the repair of the gaol at Sandwich,
called Whitrodd Gaol. There is likewise a petition of his against
the London Watermen, who bad brought two boats full of children
down the Thames to Tilbury Hope, where a ketch stayed to take them
•Y: Ooll. Sign; Manual, Ohas. I., i. 4:5.
xcii KENT AROHJEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
to Flanders. These children were being sent away to be educated in
Roman Catholic schools or colleges ; hence the complaint. Philipot's
mention of Tilbury Hope, and his knowledge of this occurrence, arose
. probably from bis holding another office under the crown, which would
seem to us quite incompatible with that of Somerset Herald, or that
of Bailiff of Sandwich. This was the position of lieutenant, or· chief
gunner, in the Fort of Tilbury, or of Gravesend, with the fee of one •
shilling a day. A letter of Philipot's, dated 1632, Dec. 1, is still
extant in the State Paper Office, in which he begs Sir Edward Nicholas
not to permit him to be displaced from this office. He therein states
that one Capt. Lorde threatened to urge the Lords Commissioners to
remove him.
In 1627, Pbilipot published a complete list of all the constables of
Dover Castle, and wardens of the Cinque Ports. This he dedicated to
the Lord Warden of the day, George Duke of Buckingham. In the
letter of dedication he speaks of himself as a Ports man by birth, and
of the renewal of his connection with the Ports by his office as Bailiff
of Sandwich.
During the following year, 1628, we obtain a glimpse of our hero
in quite another character. On the 30th of Ja:μua1·y John Jacob of
Faversham complains to Sir Ed. Nicholas, Secretary of State, that
"In the port of Faversham John Philpot, a herald, keeps an Admiralty
Court, whereby he dispqssesses the Duke (the Lord Warden)
of the wrecked goods which the fishermen bring in." 'l'he office1·s of
Customs locked up goods seized for the Duke by Jacob as Se1jeant of
the Admiralty of the Cinque Ports.
Here we find our Herald, our Bailiff of Sandwich, our Lieutenant
of the Fort at Gravesend, acting as Judge of an obnoxious Admiralty
Court at Faversham, hut we have not yet exhausted his offices, or his
versatility. In 1630 and 1.631, we find letters and wa1·1·ants addressed
by and to him as Steward of. the Royal manors of Gillingham and
Grain. In 1635, Nov. 18, we reacl of his sitting with Mr; Thomas
Godfrey, of flellinge, ·as a court to decide the case of Serles March,
gentleman porter of Deal Castle, who had been grievously insulted on
Christmas Eve by one Joshua Coppyng, of Canterbury. This very
important matter proved too hard for these gentlemen to arrange, and
the case of insulted honour was referred to other hands.
In 1633, Philipot made his first official. voyage "act·oss the seas."
His mission was to knight a certain Wm. Bosvile. Some reminiscences
of this, 01· of a subsequent visit to France, still exist at the end of Philipot's
MS. Church Notes, which were mainly made in Kent. They are
MEMOIR OF JOHN PHILIPOT. XQiii
preserved in Harleian MSS., No. 3917. During the same year (1633)
Philipot's son Thomas was entered at Clare College, Cambridge, as a
Fellow Commoner. This was the son who, ultimately, after his
father's death, published the 'Villare Cantianum' in 1659 with his
own name on the title-page as author, thus robbing John Philipot of
his due.* The son courted the Muses, and published several poems.
During 1633 and 1634, Philipot1 in conjunction with George Owen,
York Herald, as Deputies of St. George, Clarenceux, made a Visitation
of Sussex (Harleian MSS., 1194 and 1406)1 and in conjunction with
William Ryley, who was Blue Mantle Pursuivant, he completed the
Visitations of Bucks and Oxfordshire in the latter year. (HarJeian
MSS., 1193 and 1480.)
One of the pleasantest and most memorable events of Philipot's
life took place in the following year, 1635. King Charles I. in that
yea1· conferred the Order of the Garter upon Prince Charles Lodowick,
Count Palatine of the Principality of the Rhine, and Duke of Bavaria.
The Pl'ince was at that time serving with the army at Bockstel; some
herald was therefore requil'ed to travel thither, and invest him with the
insignia of the Order. Philipot was selected for this pleasant and
honourable mission, which he vastly ·enjoyed, as he takes care to inform
us. In the fu-st edition of Camden's ' Remains concerning
Britain,' Philipot, who prepared the MS. for press, inserted a letter
of dedication to this Prince Palatine Charles Ludovic in which he
says :-" The greatest happiness that bath, or can, befall me was my.
employment for the presentation of the most noble Order of the Garter
to youl' Highness in the army at Bockstel." For his fee and expenses
the English Governmeut paid Philipot the sum of £100. What he
received from the Prince Palatine will nevei·- be known. It is a
singular coincidence that the same State Paper whfoh records the
payment of this £100 to Philipot on the 17th of July, 1635,t likewise
records the payment to Dr. Wm. Harvey, another native of Folkstone,
of a fee or annuity of £25.
In 1636, om· Folkstone Herald published 'The Catalogue of the
Chancellors of England, the Lord Keepers of the Great Seal, and the
* Upon the flyleaf of one of the Lansdowne MSS. in the British Museun;i, I
find two memoranda made and signed by Philipot : " 1633 Pxetium hujus libri
e:s: archivia in Thesamo Scaccarii Westmonasterii e:rlracti vj11
• Jo. Philipott,
Somerset,t."
"The makeing the 2 kallenders and the bynding the Bookes :s:liij•. J.P., S.''
The manuscript is a Calendar of Fines passed in th.e reign of Henry III. for
the county of Kent, and was no doubt used by him in compiling his ' Villa-re
Cantianum.'
t Dom. State Papers, Chas. I., vol. ccxciv. No. 5.
xciv }{ENT ARCH.lEOLOGICAL SOOIE'.VY.
Lord Treasurers of England, with a collection of divers that have been
Masters of tbe Rolls.' In this work be owns himself greatly indebted
to the labours of his wife's uncle Robert Glover, one of his
predecessors in the office of Somerset Herald, and likewise to the MS.
of Francis Thinn.e, Lancaster Herald. He thus shews that his son,
who robbed hi01 of the credit of his own great work, did not inherit
from him the desire to strut ip borrowed plumes without acknowledgment.
He dedicated this work to the Earl of Arundel and Surrey.
Among the Additional MSS. in the British Museum (6118, page
405), there is a list of Sheriffs of Lincolnshire from the first year of
Henry II. to the twenty-first of Charles I. This list was compiled by
John Philipot about 1636, and is one of his many unpublished lists
and collections. He must have been greatly occupied with literary
work at this period of his life, for it was about this time that he edited
Oamden's Remains, which have been already mentioned,
In 1639 we hear, not directly but at second hand, of an allegation
made against Philipot of improper proceedings, in the matter of a grant
of arms made to some perRon. But as it is in a News Letter of the
period from Edward Rossingham to Viscount Oonway, we will fain hope
that the whole statement is a mistake, especially as _the News Letter
bears date the first of April.*
In 1641 (16 Charles I.) we find that a John Philpot was subcollector
of the subsidy in the Upper Half Hundred of Stowting,
wherein he was himself assessed to pay £1. 8s,t This may have been
our Herald, or it may not.
From Rymer's Fcedera (xx. 543) we learn tha.t in 1642 John
Philipot, Bailiff of Sandwich, obtained the insertion of his son's name
together with his own in a grant of the office of bailiff for their joint
lives.
About that time he, being a staunch Royalist, followed the King
to Oxford. He was soon afterwards captured by the Parliamentary
forces, and sent to London. Ee does not, however, seem to have
suffered long imprisonment.
In 1645 he died in London, upon the 25th of -November, and was
buried in the churchyard of St. Benet, Paul's Wharf. The register of
his burial still exists, and from a copy of it kindly sent to me by the
Rector of St. Benet's, I find that it states nothing but his name, spelt
Fillpot ( with an " F ") and the date of his interment.
Among the MSS. left by Philipot, and subsequently published,
* Do. State Papers, Obas, I., vol. ccccxvii, No. s,
t Lay Subsidy, 16 Car. I., in Public Record Office.
MEMOIR OF JOHN :PHILIPOT. XCV
was '.A perfect Collection or Catalogue of all (2323) Knights
Ilachelaurs made by King James since bis coming to the Crown of
England until his decease ; faithfully extracted out of the records by
John Philipot, Esq., Somerset Herald, a devout servant of the Royal
line.' This was published in 1660, by Humphrey Moseley. Mr. G.
E. Ookayne, once Rouge Dragon, but now Lancaster Herald, informs
me that Philipot entered his pedigree in the 'Visitation of London,
1634,' and that an account of him was inserted in the' Gentleman's
Magazine ' for December, 1778, at page 590. He had a second son
John, and a second daughter Mary, of whom nothing is known. My
thanks are due to Mr. Cokayne, for very kindly revising the proof of
this short memoir of his predecessor in the office of Rouge Dragon.
(_ xcvi )
OBSERVATIONS ON THE EARLIER CLAIMS TO THE
DISCOVERY OF THE CIRCULATION OF THE BLOOD.
BY CANON R. C. JENKINS.
When great discoveries come into the hands of men of science and
progress, they are used as the means of looking forward to some more
distant truths, as a kind of vantage-ground from which unknown
:wonders may ·be discovered. "The light which we have gained"
(writes Milton) "was given us not to be ever staring upon, but by it
to discove1· onward things more remote from our knowledge." But it
is altogethe1· otherwise with antiquaries. The lights which we gain
are used by us (consistently with our professed object) to look back
upon the past, and see whether sciutillations of it may not be traced
into the dim vista of ages ; whether "oming events," in. the wol'ds
of the poet, did not " cast their shadows before,'' and every great discovery
have a prophetic anticipation in some obscure and sybilline
form. This has been eminently verified in the great discovery of the
circulation of the blood by our illustrious Harvey. Notwithstanding
the clamour and vehemence o.f the opposition raised against the new
theory, especially in Italy, the scene ·of his early studies (where
the preliminary discovery of the valves of the veins, by his master
Fabricius ab Aquapendente, had directed his observations to the use
and functions of the heart in connection \vith this important fact), numberless
claims were advanced to the anticipation of the truth of the
circulation of the blood, beginning with Plato and the Scholiasts on
Euripides and Plutarch, and ending with the· learned but unfortunate
Servetus in the 16th century. The great vagueness, however, of these
earliest statements, renders it extremely doubtful whether they do more
than approach the idea of the circulation of the blood ; while the profound
ignorance which then prevailed in regard to the relations between
the principal organs of the human body, and the manner in . which
they contribute to the formation and passage of the blood throughout
the 11ystem, would lead to the conclusion that they are rather poetical
than practical anticipations of the coming truth.
The famous passage of Plato runs thus : " The heart is the centre
of the bloodvessels, the spring of the blood, whence it flows rapidly
DISCOVERY OF THE CIRCULATION OF THE :BLOOD. xcvii
round. Blood is the pabulum of the flesh in order to the nutriment of
which the liody is intersected with canals, like those of gardens, to convey
the blood like water from a fountain to the. remote parts." This,
doubtless, furnished the text to those eady Eastem fathers who anticipated
-the work of Paley and others in a later day, and endeavoured to
demonstrate the being and attributes of the Deity from the wonderful
structure of man, His greatest work. Thus Theodoret, in his sermons
on "Providence," amplifies the words of Plato, and St. Gregory of
Nyssa, the brother of St. Basil the Great, in his remarkable treatise,
"De Hominis Opiji,cio," so illustrates it, and even advances beyond it,
as to lead us to give him a kind of "proxime accessit" to the grand
truth which it was left for a later age really to disclose and to establish.
As far as I am able to understand the thhtieth chapter of this very
interesting and early woi:k on "Natural Theology," the writer having
stated that the heart is the fountain and principle of vital heat, and even
of life itself, makes the liver the originating source of the blood, suggesting
such a circulation between these two great organs, by means of
veins and arteries, as in some degree to foreshadow the then distant
truth. The colour of the blood he derives from the heat generated by
the heart, and conveyed to it in its passage from the liver, from which
it comes merely. in the form of a ·colourless stream; comparing this
action to the mounta-in snows which swell the stream, and fill even its
earliest veins and sources. The siugular feature of all these eadier
descriptions and illustrations is, that· the action of the lungs and
their part in this, great economy were wholly unrecognized, and even
unknown, the great trias of the heart, the brain, and the liver being regar<
led as the pillars of our human life. A much nearer approach appears
to me to have been made by Aquinas, about the year 1250, to the
doctrine of the circulation of the blood, in bis short treatise, "De Motu
Gordis," which was published among his Opuscula, at Douai.
"The motion of the heart," he writes, "is the principle of all
motion in animated life . . and in order that the heart might be
the beginning and end of all the motions which are in the living being, it
had a certain motion, not circular, but like a circula1· motion, composed of
. a double pulsation (tractu et pulsu) * . . . This motion is also continuous
while animal life lasts, except the interposition of a short pause
between the two pulsations, the only point in which it fails of a circular
motion. . . . And these two motions, which seem to be contrary,
are, as it were, the parts of a motion composed of both, and though
* i. c. Dilatation and contraction, in technical language, the "diastole " and
"systole,"
xcviii KENT ARCH..EOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
failing to •present the simplicity of a circular motion, it imitates it in so
far as it 'is from the same into the same, and thus it is not inconvenient
( or unsuitable) that it should tend towards divers pal'ts, since a circular
motion sometimes has that character." ( Opusc. Duaci, 1609, page
968-9.) It would appeal' that Aquinas, ignorant of the structure of
the body internally, and only able to gathe1· a little knowledge from a
comparison of the human frame with that of animals generally, was led
to derive from the phenomena of inspiration and expiration in connection
with the pulsation of the heart and it-s two distinct m,otions, the
idea of a circulating motion within, and thus seems to h11.ve made a
slight approach, however distant and conjectural, to the great theory of
Harvey. It has often been alleged that a still higher vantage-g1·ound
was gained by that profound physician and unhappy victim of l'eligious
persecution, Michael Servetus, and that his rema1·kable and rare work,
calied the Restitutio Ohristi'anismi, contains the germ of the thory of
Harvey. I have sought in vain for any proof that this is really the
• case, the only point in which the question is at all approached, being
that in which the human nature of our Lord is defined and illustrateda
passage occurring·almost in the middle of the treatise. He asserts,
indeed, that in the birth of human being "the valves of the heart, or
the membranes at the orifices of the vessels of the heart, are opened,"
and that then, by the wonderful "skill" of the Creator, "a divine soul
is breathed into man, the opening of the heart takes place, and the
immission into it of the vital blood." And, in his comparison c,f the
human body to a plant, he seems to have an idea of a circulation of
the vital fluid through veins and arteries. But' in his adherence to the
notion that the liver is the centre and fountain of life, he appears to be
behind Aquinas and the earlier writers, and to have simply followed
Hippocrates and Galen, whose theories were so entirely dissipated by
the great discovery of Harvey. I fail, indeed, to see . that he had
advanced beyond St. Gregory of Nyssa, who wrote in 380.* If I
understand his words aright, even the great Dr. Bentley, in his Boyle
Lecture, called " A Confutation of Atheism, from the Structure and
Origin of Human Bodies," delivered in 1694, did not admit the great
discovery of bis century. For he illustrates the Divine wisdom by the
fact of " the artificial position of many myriads of valves, all so
* Zanchius, the Italian reformer (1616-1690), in his work de 1Iomini$
c1·cationc (1. ii., o. i.), made a much nearer approach .to the true theory. Re
,begins a long and interesting passage describing the functions of.the heart, by
affirming that it is firmly bound to the 1·est of tlte body by veins, arteries, and
nerves, "partim :q.t vita ah ipso in re}.iqua mew.bra commUDicando diffmwat1i1•;
parti.m ut i1i ,;pmwi alcoium vicissim officia et beneficia 1•0/ei·,·i queant."
DISCOVERY OF TH.E CIRCULA.TION OF THE BLOOD. XClX
situate as to give a free passage to the blood, and other humours, in
their due channels and courses, but not to permit them to regurgitate
and disturb the 9reat circulation and economy of life" (page 15). In
which w01·ds he seems to halt between two opinions, and to deny that
very circulation of which he speaks. Probably, he feai·ed equally the
Scylla of the old doctrine and the Charybdis of the new. In any
case; we may well arrive at the conclusion that the great Harvey-the
child of Folkestone by birth-the adopted child of the whole world,
which he made the heir of his grand discovery, stands forth as the true
and only Olairf!ant-and that we might as well hunt through Australia
for the real Tichborne, as explore the dark places of antiquity to find
the real predecessor of Harvey. B·ut we should do great injustice to
the grandeur of his character if we were to rest here on the mere
threshold ( as it were) of his discovery. The highest 3,ttribute of Harvey' s
nature was the retirement, the reticence, the almost secrecy with which
he noul'ished his great idea. From 1616, the year in which he intro
duced it into his lectures, until 1628, in which he presented the great
truth, he had discovered, to the scientific woi:).d-how many anxious
misgivings, how many conflicts, and fightings, and fea1·s he must have·
encountered I As it is said of our Lord Himself, that He hid Himself
from the multitude, and yet could not be hid, inasmuch as His very
work betrayed His presence; so it might be said of every one of those
to whom the truth of God has been revealed-their very silence is
eloquent-" tacendo maxiine docuit." It was noted of Harvey, from
the first, that he never treated his great discovery contl'oversially.- He
never entered into the arena of scientific warfare ( and medical scientific
wa1fare, like theological, is ever wont to be carried on ruthlessly,' "to
the bitter end,") but bequeathed his grand discovery to posterity,
enshl'ined in the elegant Latin of his immortal treatise. 0 I what a
strife of tongues did that wonderful publication originate I The gi·eat
critics of Leipzig, in the Acta Eruditor·um, of 1686, said well:"
The fortune of sudden and unexpected things ( as Seneca as observed)
is rarely constant-and this, the warfare of the larned, upon the
anatomical discoveries of the present age more than sufficiently proves.
For, to the present moment, some are superstitious enough to hold that
any one who opposes himself to the ancients is guilty of a hideous
crime, and would rather err with Bartholomreus Eustachius, in his
blind following of Galen, than dare to think with any new master. It
is not, therefore, to be wondered at, that the golden discovery of the
circulation of the blood, made in our own age, contrary to all earlier
opinions, by William Harvey, has been subject to the same fate-and
C KENT ARCHlEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
is set down by some of the slaves of Galen as a frivolous and silly
falsehood." But the old proverb, "Plus rutilat veritas ventilata," bad
here one of its fullest illustrations. Truth has triumphed, and shines
forth in all its lustre, and the minister of a truh which has, more than
any other, ministered to the life of mankind, has been honoured
throughout the world, and is at last about to receive that honour
which, though it ought to have been his earliest, cannot in any case be
his last-honour from his own countrymen and his own townamen.
This latest honour is now about to be rendered to him, and we may
well invite, and even entreat, all who have gathered round us in _this
place, to 4elp us to make the memorial of this great man a worthy
tribute, as far as it can be, to one who has long passed away from the
earthly conflict, and never had in view any earthly crown-who might
have exclaimed (like the prophet) to an ungrateful world, '' I have
laboured in vain: I have spent my strength for nought and in vain,
yet surely my judgment is with the Lord, and my work with my God."
(Isa. xlix. 4.)
( ci )
REMARKS ON THE EARLY CHRISTIAN BASILICAS, IN
CONNECTION WITH THE RECENT DISCOVERIES AT
LYMINGE.
BY CANON R. C. JENKINS, REOTOR OF LnrINGE.
THE ancient Basilica, or Imperial Residence, in which were included
the courts of Judicature and the halls of Audience, were so manifestly
and singularly adapted for the purposes of Christian worship, that we
cannot wonder at the fact that they were dedicated to this new object
by the Christian Emperors, and that the churches founded by them
,vere built upon this simple plan. The transfei· of the temples _ of
heathenism to Christians, which had sometimes taken place during the
temporary triumphs of their religion, must ever have tended to corrupt
the new faith and to present contrasts and incongruities to its earlier
professors. From this latter source may be derived that multiplication
of altars and chapels which is admitted by the Dettore Antonio dell'
Ogna, in his memoir drawn up for the Bishop of Montepulciano and
presented to the assembly of Bishops at Florence in 1787, to have
been derived from the altars and chapels dedicated to the Dii contubernales
in the Heathen Temples. In the Petrine Basilica of Ravenna
these altars reached at last the extraordinary number of three hundred
and the abuse was resisted, but in vain, by repeated councils and
Pontiffs. The simpler form of the Basilica was best fitted to restrain
these excesses, for it consisted merely of an oblong building, having at
the end opposite the portico a semi-circufar apse for the tribune, and
was divided by two rows of columns into three naves, giving little
scope for multiplied altars cir unnecessary ornamentation. The fifth
century, however, exhibits the basilica as developing so high an adornment
of architecttll'e, sculpture, and painting, and so great a variation
of ground-plan and accession of subordinate buildings, that we cannot
be surprised at its subsequent development by means of transepts and
apsida1 chapels into the stately form and proportions of the cathedrai
of Western Europe. If I might venture to haza1·d a conjecture on the
origin of the crnciform church of a later age, I should say that it was
suggested by the addition of those side chapels and oratories which
formed so marked a feature in the more sumptuous basilica! churches,
such as thnt of St. Felix at Nola, of which St, Paulinus has left us so
VOI. x. k
cii KENT ARCHlEOLOGICAL SOCIETY,
elaborate and valuable a description. The first great change which the
secular basilica received in its conversion into a Christian church was
the threefold apse,* which soon developed itself into a still more elaborate
system. The single apse was then multiplied so as to make
the recesses to equal, or even exceed, the nUillber of the aisles of which
they formed the elevated extremity. This triple end, or tricborm:o,
contained a. separate altar in every apse, the relics of martyrs being
deposited, in the words of St. Paulinus, intra abs-idem trichora sub
altar'ia. Elsewhere he speaks of a central apse " cum dua.bus dextrd
lcevdque conchulis," a conclta being a smaller apse; a conchula often
an apse within an apse. Pope Hadrian ( according to .A.nastasius
Bibliothecarius) " made thre apses in the Church of St. Mary in
Cosmedin," and we read in the same chronicler that Leo III. made a
magnificent central apse in a church in Rome,· having two other apses,
one on the rigbt side and one on the left. Sometimes in remarkable
cases these apses or "conchs " were multiplied. At Milan, the Church
of St. Thecla had eight, while the Palace of Justinian at Constantinople
boasted of a "heptaconch Triclinium,'' famous for the abortive conference
held in it between the Catholics and the Acephali under that
great emperor. On the sides of these apses, and along _the aisles of
the church, the cubicula, or resting-places of the saints, were ordinarily
erected. "The cubicula, fonr in number," writes St. Paulinus, " inserted
in the long sides or aisles of the basilica supply a place for those
who wish to pray or meditate, and for the memorials of the religious
who rest there in eternal peace." In a recess such as this, at the side
of the north aisle of the ancient Dat@ca of Lyminge, the body of St.
lEthelburga is said to have rested.. The word is literally that of tl1e
charter of King Cuthred, '' ubi pausat corpus B. Eadbnrgre." And
in this northern apse the remains of the arched tomb from which her
relics were taken, by Archbishop Lanfranc for the endowment of his
new Priory of St. Gregory in Canterbury, may still be clearly seen.
The site of the nave of the church, of which the ancient yew-tree
appears to me to mark the centre, canuot fail to be detected by the
careful observer. The destruction of the walls of this and of the north
aisle, both in the churchyard and in the field, was unhappily so
complete as to leave little hope, of a successful search, to the explorer
of a later day. The work of destruction of the south wall of the
church, and of the intermediate one, was only interrupted by the
approach to recent interments, which it was thought imprudent to
* Dr. Plumptre has she,vn that the chancel of St. Martin's-le-Grand at
Dover had a threefold apse. (' .Archreologia Cantiana,' vol. iv., plate 5, page 26.)
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disturb; the coffin of a Mrs. Crux presenting what might be called a
real crux to these modern Vandals, while an accident to a labourer, who
broke his leg in attempting to break up the far less brittle foundation,
and the honest confession that they had " got stones enow,"
led to a cessation of the work of Vandalism.
The apse at the Western extremity of the Lyminge basilica, derives
some illustration from a basilica built by St. Na.matins in Auvergne in
the seventh century, of which St. Gregory of Tours writes that "it had
a round apse in the front, with wings on either side elegantly constrncted,"
in ante absidem rotundam habens ab ut1'oque latere ascellas
eleganti constructas opere. (I. ii. c. 16.) The greater part of this,
at Lyminge, was destroyed with the vast walls extending from it, and a
layer of concrete still adhering to the rock-chalk is the only clue
to their form and direction. The fragments which remain enablu us,
however, to complete the ground-plan which the traditions of the oldest
inhabitants verify, and indicate the design and proportions of what
must have been one of the largest, as well as one of the niost historic,
of the early Christian churches of England-the foundation of one who
had been present at the consecration of the Cathedral of Canterbury,
·and had herself founded that wooden church of York which was the
predecessor of the great northern minster. Yet much as we must
deplore the loss of the " former house," enriched with so many. sacred
traditions, we cannot but look upon the present vene1·able building
and its long history with the feelings with which St. Paulinus looked
from the !!adier basilica of Nola to the structure which succeeded it,
and exclaim with him-
" Tectorum dissidet ootas
Concordnt species-veterum mo.nus atque recentum
Oonvenit-in facie simili decor unus utrumque
Ornat opus-coiiunt olim fundat11, novellis."
( civ )
MEDLEV AL FOLKESTONE.
FoLKESTONE gives its-name to one of the Hundreds· of Kent, and
was the site of a nunnery (said to have been the first in England),
founded in the seventh century by Eadbald, King of Kent, the
father of St. Eanswith, its first Abbess. These facts prove that
the town was in earlier times a place of some importance, but very
little is known respecting its history, prior to the Middle Ages;
It is evident that the name, spelt Folcstane in the earlier records,
was given by the Saxons,* and that it was derived from the natural
peculiarities of the place, its stone quarries having always played
a conspicuous part in its history. They are mentioned in two
extents ( or valuations) of the manor of '' Folcstane " which were
made in the reign , of Henry III. In the first of these, dated
1268, we read that "there are there certain quarries worth per
annumt 20s." The second gives us furthe1· information; it is dated
1271, and says "the quarry:j: in which mill-stones and handmillstones
• are dug" is worth 20s. per annum. Such peaceful and useful
implements as mill-stones were, however, by • no means the only
produce of these quarries. When- Edward III., and his son the
Black Prince, were prosecuting their conquests in France, some of
the implements of war were obtained from Fo]kestone. On ,Jan.
the 9th, 1356,§ the King ordered the Warden of the Cinque Ports to
send over to Calaisll those stones for warlike engines which had been
prepared at Folkestone. The accounts of Merton College, Oxford,
record the fact that " six great stones, to lay under the granary of
Elham Rectory, were obtained from Folkestone," in 1380. Their
carriage thence to Elham cost 6s. In the reign of Queen Elizabeth, as
we shall presently see, no less than 100 labourers were employed in these
quarries excavating and hewing stone for Dover Haven ; and during
* Compare the words "folcland" and "folcmote.'' The derivation,
".h'ulke's To\vn," suggested in Murray's Handbook for Kent, is clearly :inadmissible.
.T!'ulke is a Norman name; and the last syllable of the Saxon town's
name was always spelt "stane" not "tun" nor "ton."
t '.A.rcbreologia Cantiana,' iii., 267. • ; lbia., vi., 24:1.
§ Rymer's 'Fredera,' iii., part i., p. 816.
II Calais had been captured by Edward III. in 1347 after a year's siege.
'.!'he F1en9h elldell,voured to regain it about this time, 1856,
MEDI1EVAL FOLKESTONE. CV
the Commonwealth large quantities of Folkestone stone went to
Dunkirk, for the harbour there. The uppermost, of the four subdi
visions of the Lower Green Sand, crops out at Copt Point, and
furnished the stone which was quarried here during the nriddle ages.
It is very inferior to the well-known Kentish ragstone, * which
lies lower down in the same series.
Of Folkesone during the eleventh and twelfth centuries we kno,v
very little more than the names of its possessors, whose descent has
been clearly traced by Mr. Thomas Stapleton, F.S.A., in a paper read ·
at Canterbury in 1844 before the British Archreological Association.
Upon the death of William de Archis, or .Arques, the Norman Lord of
Folkestone, his widow, Beatri.x:, entered upon his smaller and subordinate
manor and house at Newington as her dower, and the bulk of his
property was divided between his two daughters. Matilda, who was the
wife of William de Tancarville, inherited his estates in Normandy,
which came from Gozelin, Vicomte de Arques. Emma,. the oter
daughter, wife of another Norman named Nigel de i\foneville, inherited
the Folkestone estate. Her husband, de Moneville, died leaving but
one child, Matilda, who married R.ualinus de Averenches. He was
Sheriff of Kent in 1131, and died before 1147.t
Ema de Moneville, on the death of her husband, married the
Comte de Guisnes soon afte1· A.D. 1100, and brought to him the
manor of Newington, upon which some of her descendants, Comtes de
Guisnes, are said to have resided. Newington Ohurch she gave to the
Abbess and Convent of Guisnes, in A.rtois. Thus Newington Manor,
and Newington Church, became alienated from the Honor or Barony
of Folkestone, the one for a time, the other for ever.
De Moneville's daughter, Matilda, inherited the diminished Lordship
of Folkestone and brought it in dower to her husband, RuaFnus de
.Averenches, whose son William is said to have· founded the church
upon its present site about 1138. Mr. Stapleton says, that in the year.
1191 William's son, or grandson, Simon de .A.brincis, or .Averenches,
Baron of Folkestone, claiming to be rightful heir to- the ,vhole of the
English estates of William de Arques, gave 100 marks to have trial
at law for the purpose of obtaining certain lands in Kent of which he
had been disseised by Baldwin Comte de Guisnes. Within ten years
from that time the case was decided by " Wager of battle " in favour
of the equal division of the :Manor 'of Newingion between the two
• Henry VI., by his will, directs "all the walls of Eton College of the
outer court, and of the walls of the precinct about the gardens'' to be made of
the "hard stone of Kent."
t Planche's 'Corner of Kent,' p. 261. Dugdale's 'Mon. Ang.' i. 680.
CVI KENT AROH.lEOLOGIC.A.L SOCIETY.
claimants. (' Arch. Cant.,' ii., 267.) Newington was induded in
the extent of Folkestone Manor made in 1263.
We do not hear much of Folkestone until the time of King John.
Then it obtained the right of holding a market every Thursday. This
right, first granted to Jeffrey Fitz Peter in 1205, was renewed to
William de Averenches, son of Simon, in 1215. In the same :i7ear,
says Mr. J>lanche, Simon's widow Cecilia sold one of her manors to
raise money for the ransom of her son William, who had been taken
prisoner by the king's forces.* During the following year the
intestine strife between King John and his Barons came_ to a
crisis, and Folkestone was for a short time the King's headquarters.
He had hired from the Low Count1-ies a large number of mercenaries,
to swell his army. When these foreign soldiers were sailing to
Dover, which was occupied by the King's party,· a storm shattered
their fleet and many of the men were lost. A considerable number,
however, reached our shores, and s Dover would be crowded
with the army and its appurtenances, King John came to Folkestone.
Here he took up his abode with his court, on three occasions, during the
month of May, 1216, remaining altogether about twelve days.
Then occmred an event which happily is without parallel in the annals
of our country. A French Prince, Louis the Dauphin, at the invitation
of the English Barons, landed at Stonar in Thauet on the 21st
of May with an army that had :filled 680 ships. He then proceeded to
Sandwich and Rochester, and made a series of successful attacks upon
all such towns in Kent as were occupied by the King's friends, so that,
as Matthew Paris says, he took all Kent, save Dover, which he
vigorously besieged.
Upon the approach of the French P1-ince, King John withdrew
rapidly to Winchester, leaving Folkestone and Dover to their fate.
After his departure the Lord of Folkestone, William de Averenches, is
said to have been guilty of great excesses. The Register of St. Radegund's
Abbey (quoted l>y Hasted, viii. 150) states that he spoiled
Hawkinge Church, while the Dauphin was in England, that he and his
followers plundered the bodies of the dead, and that he deprived Hawkinge
Church of all the tithes and oblations due by his tenants. He caused
them to give their oblations four times a-year in his Hall, at Folkes tone,
before they went to the Priory there. It is a remarkable coincidence,
that about three hundred years afterwards, we find the representatives of
Hawkinge Church complaining, at Archbishop Warham's visitation, in
1511, that "the Prior of Folkestone withdraweth certain householdexs
• ' .A. Corner of Kent,' p. 262.
MEDIV .A.L FOLKESTONE. cvii
from the parish of Hawkyng by which the said church is likely to
decay.''* The Prior, however, denied being responsible for any such
withdrawal.
The above-mentioned Hall of William de.A. verenches was probably the
house at which King John stayed with his court when at Folkestone.
We have no description of it as it then appeared, nor can we say
for certain that it was the "castle," within the precincts of which the
church formerly stood, and the site of which is marked by the Rpot
still called the Bail. We may &pppose, however, that it was so, and
it ce.rtaiulywas the same building which, fifty years later1 was described
in the valuation then made of the Manor of Folkestone. . This William
de A verenches, like many of the Lords of Folkestone, had no son.
He was succeeded in the Lordship by his sister Matilda, who married
Hamo de Clrevecoour, and their only children were daughters. When
Ramo died, in 1263, a valuation of the manor was made, in which the
Lord's Hall is described as " a capital messuage, sufficiently well
built, and enclosed with a stone wall."t Within the walled precinct
there were, a garden, a court yard in which was herbage, and a dovecote.
The large park, about a league and a half in circuit, extended nearly
to Sandgate, and was sunounded by a hedge or fence. This fence the
tenants of eighteen knights' fees, held of the manor, were bound to
keep in repair; doing, cutting, and carrying, the fencing for 360 perches
every four years.
The park contained so many deer, and other wild crentures for the
chase, that if they had been destroyed the portion allotted to them
would have afforded pasture for 100 cattle. There were also three
:fishponds in the park, the value of which was reckoned at 13s. 4d. per
annum ; but they were so large, that had they been fully stocked they
would have been worth 40s. a-year, which was as much as the anmial
value of twenty acres of mowing meadow. Nor was the park deficient
in good timber. No less than fifty acres of it were covered with large
oaks and great white-thorns. Underwood covered other ten acres,
upon which it was allowed to grow for five years together, but so
well wa-s it 1·egulated that two acres could be cut every year, and the
underwood so cut was worth 4s. an acre. Twenty-two acres were
d.evotd to mowing meadow; and the pannage or pig pasture under the
trees of the park was worth 50s. per annum.
The demesne lands of the Lord of Folkestone comprised 825
acres of arable, pa-sture and meadow land; of which 710 acres were
in Folkestone and 115 in Newington. The woodlands were also
• 1
Wa xham' s' Register, fol. 60, t
1 .A:rchreologia Oantiana,' iii., 267.
cviii KENT ARCHJEOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
extensive at Herstling, Reynden, and Newington. Reynden wood
comprised 150 acres, and its timber was worth £300. There were
-likewise rabbit and other warrens worth 20s. a-year. Perhaps the
most curious portion· of the description is that of two fields, called.
Bromfeld and Gorst, which comprised forty-one acres, whereon broom
and furze were grown. • They were so managed as to be worth as much
as pasture land, or 12d. per acre per annum. The Valuation* says,
"be it known that in those forty-one acres broom and furze grow, and
may be cq.t always at the end of seven years, and afterwards they may
be ploughed and sown for two years, and the crop of each acre of
broom and furze may be sold for 7s."
There are some remarkable touches yet to be added to this outline
sketch of Folkestone six hundred years ago. It had three " very
poor" water-mills and there was one windmill (at Terlingham) on the
manor lands; hens were-then valued at l½d. each, and a fat capon
at 2d. ; among the annual assised rents paid to the Lord of the Manor
were 37{;½ hens. Hens' eggs were worth from 3d. to 3½d. the hundred,
and eight ·hundred were yearly received as rent by the Lord. Lambs
were valued at 8d. each, and the Lord received 42 of them as rent
every year. Pepper, however, of which he received in rent 2½ lbs.
yearly (1 from Folkestone and 1} from Newington) was _worth
ls.t a pound in 1271; that is to say, I lb. of pepper then cost as
much as a lamb and a half, or eight hens, or 342 eggs ; in 1268 it
cost only 8d. a lb. Among the other assised rents of the • manor
were 2 lbs. of cumin seed worth 2d. a lb. in 1271, but only worth I½d.
in 1263 ; 21 seams of oats, counting 16 bushels to a seam, worth
31:1. 4d. a seam in 1271, but only 2s. in 1263 ; and two seams of
:fine white salt worth 2s. a seam in 1271, but only ls. 8d. in 1263.
The Romescot, or annual payment for Peter's pence, upon the
Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula, amounted to 32s. l0d., or 394 pence;
of which 17s. 6d. was due from the Alcham limb of the Manor, while
only 15s. 4d. was payable from the town and the Middle-hundred of
Folkestone.
In the valuations of the Manor it is specially stated that the
Advowson of the church is in the gif of the Lord of Folkestone and
is worth, one year with the other, 60 marks per annum, i. e., £40.
Likewise, " the Priory of Folkestone, which is a cell· of the Abbey of
Lulley, is of the foundation of the Lord of Folkestone, and he has
the custody of the same Priory as often as it may be vacant by the
• 'Archreologia Cantiana,' vol. iii., p. 269.
t The Goldxniths' Company,. for their Feasts, paid for Pepper in 1517,
ls. 2d. per lb. ; m 1518, ls. 10d.; m 1527, ls .. 6d,
MEDIEVAL FOLKES'l'ON.E.
.
ClX
death of any Prior." Five courts were held by the Lord of the
Manor. One for the Hundred, the fees and perquisites of which
were 40s. a-year ; one for Folkes tone, with fees of 5s. per annum;
one for Alcbam with fees amounting to 13s. 4d.; one for Newington
and the Marsh, with annual fees of 30s. ; and one for A.changre
in Cheriton, of which • the fees were worth but 2s. per annum ; these
particu1a1·s are from the valuation* made in 1263.
There was one fee or custom which was very seldom demanded by
the Lord of Folkestone ; it was a contribution or "aid " of £2 l. 14s. 9d.>
from all tenants in socage, towards making bis eldest son a knight.
Often however must the parallel custom have been enforced, which
required those tenants to pay the same aid upon the marriage of the
lo1·d's eldest daughter. These customs we learn from the valuationt
made in 1271, when the husbands of Agnes and Alianore de Crevec.ir preservation, "as from the time when the
town of Calais was conquered and acquired by our noble ancestor
Edward, and that they of the same town lately by great charges and
disbursements which they from time to time for the conse1·vation of
the passage from the same supported, their Liberties and franchises
had and held for their own use, viz.: that they of DoYor should make
their passage to the said Town of Calais and not to any other place, nor
they of Calais their passage to any place other than to Dovor, unless
prevented by great or sudden tempest, or by Royal precept, except
cxlii KENT .A.CR.al;OLOGIO..U SOCIETY,
mercbandize whic4 did not belong to the passage . . . . the said Town
of Dovor having the special charge of the passage, and to regulate
the c<:mduct of the same iind the ships thereof," etc.
Notwithstanding the favours thus conferred by the Crown, it would
seem that differences bad arisen or offences been committed by the Barons.
For I nod that the same ing, in the twenty.fifth year of his reign,
issued Letters Patent, granted by the king in parliament, pardoning
and remitting to Ralph Toke, mayor, and Walter NysQam, bailiff, and
the commonalty, all manner of transgressions, offences, misprisions, con·
tempts, and impeachments by them before the 9th day of .April last
past, against the form of the Statutes concerning the liberties of clothes
and hoods, done 01• perpetrated. And tbis lengthy cbarter contains
releases of all imaginable offences, of eve1·y conceivable kind, excepting
however out of its operation a daughter of a soldier, a blacksmith, the
keeper of Nottingham Gaol, a felony concerning the deth of a soldier
lately perpetrated, and sundry government officers.
It does not appear that the Barons were much oetter behaved in
the succeeding reign, for its liberties and franchises had been " for
reasonable and lawful cuses 11 seized unto the king's hands, and
Edward IV. by a charter in his eleventh year "for the good and deent
government and happy rule of the town, and its members, and our
people of the same, and for the security of others resorting to the same/1
appointed Thomas He:x:sta11 the Custos of the town and its members,
with power to rule and govern the same, and to have the keys an
administration, even as the mayor hitherto had had.
With these nautical and national matters we find a littl bit of domos•
tic history, in a warrant issued by King Henry VIII. in his twenty•
sixth year to Geol'ge Duke of Rochefort, Constable and Warden, and
others. It directs them " to take from the Inhabitants of the Town and
its Members, under the powers of the Statute, an oath of Fealty to the
King's Majesty, and to the heir.; of his body J)y his moat dear and
entirely beloved lawful wife Queen Anne."
As with the pa.ssage across the channel (not counted by the mariners
of that day bu a "silver streak" dividing the two coasts), so has the
Harbour been deemed a matter of national importance. It was not
al\"\·ays on the sarne site. In Roman days it consisted of the estuary
of the river Dour-a river which still flows through the town within
narrowed limits. It appears, from an old drawing, that in the reign of
Henry VIII. it' ran, after leaving the Town Mill, directly out to sea.'
But in consequence of an extensive fall of cliff eastward, it was turne
