Responses to the Jacobite Rebellion of 1745 in Deptford and Lewisham
RESPONSES TO THE JA CO BITE REBELLION OF
1745 IN DEPTFORD AND LEWISHAM
JONATHAN OATES
While most works have viewed the Jacobite rebellion of 1745
primarily in terms of Scottish political and military history, the study
of this dynastic struggle in the English regional context has been
largely neglected, save for a handful of cities and counties. While it
is true to say that those parts of the British Isles on which it had most
direct impact were Scotland and the north of England, to a lesser
extent all of Great Britain was affected. This is hardly surprising,
given that the aim of the rebels was to take the throne of Great Britain
for the Old Pretender, James Francis, and the aim of the supporters of
King George was to stop them. Apart from London, Southern
England has not been closely studied with regard to the events of
1745 (and indeed those of 1715). Until now, north-west Kent was no
exception. Given the County's proximity to France, with whom
Britain was at war during 1745, and therefore a likely supporter of
any conspiracy against her throne, Kent deserves close attention. The
north-west in particular, as it adjoins the Capital which was both the
main political prize and a potential hotbed of rebellion. There was
also the possibility of localized disaffection with accusations and
rumours about suspicious persons in Deptford in the early years of
George I's reign. Paul Monod suggests links between Jacobitism and
smugglers, and this part of Kent was not immune from such dangers.
In 1736, one Mr Charles, an excise officer, had been 'shot dead in
Pursuit of smugglers, near Lewisham, Kent' . 1
This study of north-west Kent is based on a number of sources:
State Papers and War Office papers from the Public Record Office,
Quarter Sessions records, parish records and private correspondence
from local repositories, printed material in the form of contemporary
newspapers and sermons, and several published histories. It
concentrates on events during the 1745 rebellion in four parishes: St
Nicholas' and St Paul's, Deptford, St Mary's, Lewisham and St
Margaret's, Lee (Fig. 1). Deptford was far more significant than Lee
277
JONATHAN OATES
278
RESPONSES TO THE JACOBITE REBEWON IN 0EPTFORO AND LEWISHAM
279
JONATHAN OATES
and Lewisham because of its much greater population (10-12,000)
and the fact that since 1513 it possessed a Royal Dockyard. This
meant that a significant amount of government patronage would have
been dispensed there, so influencing the loyalties of many inhabitants.
2 This loyalty was shown in different ways by clergy, gentry,
military and naval personnel, and by the common people. Lewisham,
with a population of perhaps I 200, and Lee (less than 300) were much
smaller and more typical Kent parishes. This, unfortunately, means
that there is a good deal less evidence about them. However, they
serve as a useful contrast to the activity evident in Deptford.
In 1744 there had been an attempted invasion of Britain by French
troops in favour of the Pretender, and a Deptford man procured information
about it. On 14 February 1744, Captain Bryan Pybus, agent
for packet boats at Dover, wrote to the Duke of Newcastle's secretary,
Andrew Stone, with information on one William Davis, master of
The Happy Return, of Deptford. As Secretary of State for the South,
Newcastle masterminded the steps taken to suppress the invasion/
rebellion. Pybus wrote that Davis' information concerned a 'number
of ships and soldiers at Dunkirk' adding that, 'the Brest fleet is
expected there with Charles Edward on board. The transport ships are
to convoy the soldiers to Scotland'. 3 This French invasion was to be
foiled, however, by storms at sea.
The Hundred of Blackheath was the administrative district of Kent
which included the Deptford parishes, Lewisham and Lee. On 6
March 1744, the JPs ordered constables and churchwardens to
summon the Catholics, within their parish, which they had already
listed, in response to the invasion threat. Of the twenty-seven found
in the two parishes of Deptford, sixteen took the oaths of loyalty and
the required declaration against transubstantiation before the Bench
on 12 March. The others did so shortly afterwards, and the subsequent
account was forwarded to the Duke of Dorset, Lord Lieutenant
of Kent. (Four years later, though, there was only one Catholic
family, together with a few individuals, in the parish of St Paul's,
Deptford. Apparently there were no declared Catholics in the very
much smaller parishes of Lewisham and Lee, the constables there
producing nil returns).4
Military presence
Although the invasion threat of 1744 came to nothing, it was also to
be a constant source of anxiety a year later. Because of this potential
danger, and in contrast to 1715, British troops were to march through
north-west Kent on a number of occasions in the autumn and winter
280
RESPONSES TO THE JACOBITE REBELLION IN DEPTFORD AND LEWISHAM
of 1745, and were billeted there for a time. When the Holstein Gottrop
regiment - part of the Dutch force of 4,200 men sent to assist
King George - arrived at Wool wich from transports in the Thames on
21 September, an order sent from the War Office billeted them as
follows; four companies at Deptford, three at Greenwich, one each at
Lee, Camberwell and Woolwich. They were to 'remain till they have
orders to proceed' .
5 In early October they marched northwards to
form part of Field Marshal Wade's command at Newcastle. In early
November, Harrison's regiment was also billeted in the district, and
once again, Deptford and Greenwich were to bear the brunt, having to
house, respectively, four and three companies, whereas Lewisham
had to billet only one.6 Another rendezvous for troops was Dartford,
and both Brackell's and Lord Henry Beauclerk's regiments of
infantry were to march there via Deptford in October and December
respectively. 7 In early December, regiments of Scots Highlanders and
other British regiments, both of cavalry and infantry, were quartered
around Deptford. However, when the rebels from Scotland reached
Derby on 4 December, these troops were marched to the north of the
capital to meet this more immediate danger, but with the retreat of the
rebels, they returned to Kent for the winter8 because of the renewed
invasion threat from France, which was, however, never to materialise.
On 5 January 1746, Beauclerk's regiment was billeted in the
parishes of Bromley, Lewisham and Eltham. Howard's regiment, the
Old Buffs, which was later to serve at the battles of Falkirk and
Culloden, was billeted at Deptford, Lee and Greenwich.9 These two
units were both regiments of Foot.
It seems probable that some of the troops accommodated at
Lewisham were at the Black Bull, among the dozen or so hostelries in
the parish. A recent historian of Lewisham writes of 'the large
number of troops billeted at local pubs. There were enough throughout
the eighteenth century ... for the Black Bull to have a bar named the
soldiers' room. They helped, no doubt, to make Lewisham a rather
violent place'. 10 It is probable that some of the residents were not
sorry to see the soldiers depart, given their rowdy behaviour. However,
local merchants probably welcomed the extra trade from the
soldiers and army contractors. 11 Troops were usually billeted at public
houses and farms, the hosts receiving 4d. per man per night, and of
the parishes, Deptford received the greatest numbers, and Lee the
least. Whether these troops lifted local morale is impossible to say,
but it may be significant that there are no accounts of local panic as
the rebels advanced southwards towards London in November and
December 1745.
Nath an Dews, in his History of Deptford, refers to troops being
281
JONATHAN OATES
encamped on Deptford Heath (Green). It is likely that some of these
soldiers were Methodists. Although they were confined to within a
one mile radius of their camp, some obtained permission to attend the
preaching of Mr Wesley at the Foundry, London. This would have
been Charles Wesley, who was in London in October 1745, and
recorded as being at the Foundry, and preaching to the 'Flanderians'
(the soldiers had just returned from Flanders).12 They also used a
local room in Deptford in order to meet and read the scriptures. One
of these soldiers, James Stainforth, a 25 year old Yorkshireman, left
the army in 1746 and set up as a baker in Greenwich, becoming a
prominent Methodist there and eventually building a chapel. 13 Dissent
was relatively strong in Deptford. Dews records that there were
three Dissenting chapels in the town, and that Dissenters were strongly
opposed to Jacobitism.14
There seems to be little trace of the impact that these soldiers had
on the locality, except for what can be gleaned from the parish registers
of Lewisham. From November 1745 to April 1746, five soldiers'
children were buried, three of the former being from Beauclerk's regiment,
one from Sinclair's and one who is unspecified. Sergeant
James Arbuthnot, of Campbell's regiment, had his wife Mary buried
there on 16 March 1746. From November to May, there are five baptisms
of soldiers' children recorded, and again three of their fathers
were from Beauclerk's, the others from Handasyde's and Sinclair's. 15
Since Beauclerk's were billeted for a time in Lewisham, it is unsurprising
that they predominate. The parish registers of Lee do not
make any references to soldiers in 1745-1746, but given Lee's size
(less than 300 souls), and thus fewer billetees, this is no surprise. In
St Paul's Deptford, Noble, son of John Lowe of General Howard's
regiment, was baptised on 6 April 1746. 16
Local militias
As was the case in 1715-1716, the dockyard workers were mobilised
to defend the magazines at Deptford. They had been formed into
regiments in 1744 because of the war with France, as well as to
counter any potential internal disaffection. However, as in 1715, their
usefulness in an emergency was questionable. When the Lords
Commissioners enquired of the Navy Board about the regularity of
the men's drill and how they were officered, they were told that if
they were well drilled and well officered 'it was independent of any
assistance from them' .17 This is hardly surprising - the men we·e
employed to work on the ships, not to spend time on the profitless (m
monetary terms) task of drilling. However, the very existence of such
282
RESPONSES TO THE JACOBITE REBELLION IN DEPTFORD AND LEWISHAM
a body demonstrated local loyalty, encouraged friends of the government
and deterred the disaffected. Compared to the regimented
workers at W oolwich, those at Deptford had not been so prone to
striking, rope-makers at the former having done so earlier in 1745.
One of the two examples of local loyalty which was held up by the
press as an example to the nation, was the behaviour of Sir Gregory
Page ( 1689-1775), owner of the extensive Wricklemarsh estate, near
Blackheath. Few magnates showed individual, as opposed to collective,
initiative to demonstrate loyalty to the Hanoverian dynasty, the
best known being Archbishop Herring of York, and both he and the
less well known Page, were feted in contemporary newspapers and in
the early histories of the rebellion. Page came to national attention in
the pages of The London Evening Post, and other newspapers, in early
October. The former reported that 'last Thursday, Sir Gregory Page,
baronet, mustered a body of 500 men on Blackheath, which he raised
and cloath'd at his own expense, and we hear he intends to augment
them to 1500'. Another report said that he was to pay these men for
the next six months.18 This seems impressive but we should
remember that 'journalists, in such a crisis, were likely to have magnified
all public effusions of loyalism, some of which may have been
simulated' . 19 Blackheath was a suitable open space to hold manoeuvres
and for drilling troops, and had often been so used in the past.
The actual military value of Page's troops, had they been faced with
rebel forces, is questionable. On the occasions when other irregular
forces confronted the rebels, whether near Penrith in 1715, or in the
case of the defence of Carlisle 30 years later, they proved to be of no
real military use. This is hardly surprising, given the inadequacy of
their training, equipment and morale. There is also no evidence as to
exactly how long Page's troops were in being or how they were
armed. Arming 500 men with muskets was no easy task in so short a
space of time. The historian of Blackheath has suggested that Page's
motives for raising men were purely self interested, 'more for the
protection of his fine house and family than for the safety of the
Nation'; though a newspaper claimed it was 'to defend our Religion
and Liberties' .20 Undoubtedly, Page's Wricklemarsh mansion and its
contents were valuable, a near contemporary description ran that it
'rather resembles a royal palace than the residence of a private
gentleman' .21 No doubt, Page's men could have fended off any small
raiding party, though not any serious attack. Since Page had entertained
George II in 1728 at Wricklemarsh, and his father had been a
Whig MP, he was presumably politically reliable. Other county
magnates were also loyal to George II - the two MPs, although both
Tories, certainly were, one being an officer in the county militia
283
JONATHAN OATES
during the crisis.22 In all probability, the purpose of the various
militia was to act as a political rather than a military tool, for the
Whig and Tory magnates to demonstrate their loyalty to the Crown.
As Rogers writes, 'there is little doubt that they were of greater
political significance' .23 They could also be useful in conducting
police duties, making searches and arrests, impressing the populace
generally and saving the regular troops the burden of mundane tasks.
In any case, there is no record of Page's men doing anything more
than assembling on the Heath. However, Page's loyalty and zeal
impressed the Lord Lieutenant to the extent that his was one of sixty
names, including that of a neighbour of his, David Papillion, put
forward to the King on 12 December 1746 as recommended to be a
new deputy Lord Lieutenant of Kent.24
'Enquiry after Papists'
On 26 September it was recorded that several parishes made a nil
return of Catholics within their boundaries, yet the justices of the
Hundred of Blackheath ordered that further searches be made. James
Smith of Greenwich was accused of seditious words, but there are no
surviving reports made against anyone in Deptford, Lewisham or Lee.
Possibly this show of magisterial zeal may have been caused by the
shocking news from Scotland, that part of the British army under Sir
John Cope had been routed at Prestonpans on 21 September, and that
England was seemingly unguarded from invasion. The justices had
ordered the parish constables within their jurisdiction to 'make
further return ... for Enquiry after Papists' and to present their findings
at the end of the month as well. Apparently none were found. On
10 December, after a royal proclamation for putting laws into operation
against Jesuits and Catholic priests, 'warrants were discharged
to ye High Constables to issue their precepts to ye Petty Constables to
discover Jesuits' .25 Earlier, on 9 September, according to commands
by the justices, in Lewisham ten shillings were 'expended attending
of constables in searching for vagrants and papists at several times'. 26
These searches for Catholics were on the grounds that they may have
been part of a fifth column on behalf of the Catholic Stuart Pretender.
Measures against Catholics were prevalent in London, too, many of
them being found in the dockland and industrial areas of Bermondsey
and Southwark.
However, it would seem that only limited action was taken against
those whose loyalty to the established Church was uncertain, given
that there is only the following isolated example, which was probably
entirely unrelated to the Jacobite scare. On 11 August 1745, one
284
RESPONSES TO THE JACOBITE REBELLION IN DEPTFORD AND LEWISHAM
Francis Knowles, Esquire, of Deptford, was obliged to attend a
service at St Nicholas', by the Surrey Quarter Sessions. Thomas
Anguish, the Rector from 1736, and Edward Raggett and Thomas
Weather, his Churchwardens, witnessed that Knowles received, 'the
sacrament of the Lord's supper. .. after Divine Service and Sermon
according to the usage of the Church of England'. 27
Expressions of Parochial Loyalty to the Crown
Parochial loyalty was also in evidence. In the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries anniversaries and events with contemporary political
significance were customarily celebrated with bell ringing in the parishes.
28 The parishes studied in this paper were no exception. There
are accounts relating to bell ringing at St Mary's, Lewisham: in 1744,
£2 13s. 6d. was expended on this activity, but in 1745 this sum was £3
5s., which clearly indicates that demonstrations of loyalty were ringing
loudly in favour of King George from this parish compared to the
previous year, which had experienced domestic peace.29
The information available to us about the activities of Lewisham's
sister parish are similarly limited, yet equally suggestive. On 18 May
1746, one shilling was paid by the Churchwardens of St Margaret's,
Lee 'for the thanksgiving' .30 The latter was probably in connection
with the national rejoicing which followed the Duke of Cumberland's
decisive victory at Culloden Moor in the previous month, thus ending
the rebellion. On 9 December of the same year, the accounts note a
payment of £1 5s. to the bell ringer(s), for the year 1745-1746, which
was twice the amount recorded as expended in the two previous years,
which suggests that the bells were being rung to celebrate the key
dates in the Protestant political calendar, and to celebrate victory
over the rebels.31
Unfortunately it is impossible to know for certain if similar activities
occurred in the parish of St Paul's, Deptford, since the Vestry
Minutes do not give itemised accounts of expenditure. It seems probable,
though, that it was not outdone by its neighbours especially
given the enthusiasm of its Vicar, the Rev. James Bate ( 1703-1775),
for attacking Popery. St Nicholas', Deptford, the twin parish, certainly
spent lavishly on bell ringers' wages in 1745-1746. This church
regularly spent I 6s., to mark each of the following loyalist events for
the reigning House of Hanover: the anniversary of the King's
Accession (11 June), of his Coronation (11 October), his Birthday (30
October), 5 November (to celebrate the deliverance from the Gunpowder
Plot of 1605, and the arrival of William of Orange in 1688).
In addition to these, in 1746 there was bell ringing for the Duke of
285
JONATHAN OATES
Cumberland's birthday (15 April) and the victory at Culloden (16
April), news of which reached the parish on 24 April. The accounts
for the latter read: 'receiving the joyful! News of the Duke of
Cumberland's over coming the Rebels'. Cumberland's safe return
from Scotland was also celebrated (in July), as was the day nationally
appointed for the thanksgiving for the suppression of the rebellion (9
October). These latter extraordinary events were celebrated more
economically than the regular anniversaries, at only 5s. each, or 2s.
6d. for Cumberland's birthday.32 Regular expenditures of 16s. were
large sums indeed which shows no doubt where the loyalties of the
parish lay, as well as demonstrating its wealth and size. It should be
recalled that Deptford was heavily dependent on the government
because of its dockyard. Such conspicuous expenditure is relative.
The lesser sums paid by St Mary's and St Margaret's were certainly
more typical.
Published Sermons
There is other evidence to indicate loyalty in Deptford. Again, this
was centred on the Anglican churches. Both Bate and Anguish
published homilies against the rebellion - as did a great number of
others throughout the country. 33 Such publications were probably
sponsored and financed by the local elite, probably including Page
and other Whig merchants and gentry. However, it should be borne in
mind that, though these are their only known printed output during
the rebellion, both probably preached other sermons against it.
There are good reasons why both clergymen were loyal, and to find
these, we must examine their backgrounds. Both had been educated at
Cambridge (Oxford was thought to be a breeding ground for Jacobites
and Tories). Bate had been Walpole's chaplain when he was
ambassador in Paris. On his return, Bate was presented to the 'good
living' of St Paul's, Deptford in 1731, where he was to remain until
his death. His patron was none other than the King himself. In 1734,
he voted for the two Whig candidates. Anguish had, like Bate,
influential connections. His patron was Charles Meetclerke (Clerk in
1737), and as well as being Rector of St. Nicholas', he was chaplain
to the Duke of Montagu.34
Both clergymen had works against the rebellion published .. A
parochial letter was written by Bate on l October 1745, for circulation
within his parish. Presumably the sermon was written in the form
of a letter to reach the maximum audience, for his was a large parish.
Much of the letter, though, reads like a sermon, and much of its
content is very similar to sermons known to have been preached
286
RESPONSES TO THE JACOBITE REBELLION IN DEPTFORD AND LEWISHAM
across the country. Anguish preached a sermon at his church, on 29
September, the first Sunday after the news of Prestonpans was
known. In printed form this sold for 4d. The main difference between
the two is that, while Bate wrote much about the evil nature of the
rebels, of their allies the French and the Spanish, and, most of all, the
fact that they were Catholic, Anguish was far more positive, and
concentrated on reminding his audience of the blessings they enjoyed
under the present monarchy. Anguish was, therefore, very unlike the
majority of sermon writers, who were all too eager to write at great
length about the horrors of Popery, the Highlanders and the French.
However, a closer examination reveals that the two works were not as
dissimilar as they may at first appear.35
Bate began by stating what he saw as the current danger, which he
put in strong and colourful language, which was characteristic of the
majority of his fellow clerics: 'the Nation is invaded by a desperate
Band of hungry Popish Vagabonds and Cut-throats ... by the help of
France and Spain' .36 He added that an invasion was expected daily on
the south coast (which was not an unrealistic fear), and that much was
at stake; the Protestant religion, law, liberty, commerce and property.
As with many clergymen including John Wesley, who was a frequent
visitor to Lewisham, and writers, such as Henry Fielding, Bate attributed
the rebellion to God's vengeance on a sinful nation. Anguish, on
the other hand, stated how necessary civil government was, and how
advantageous it was to the nation, it being 'the Parent of the most
valuable Blessings, does in every case provide for the Peace and Prosperity
of the People' . 37 Though, as he stated, these natural blessings
were very easily overlooked by those who enjoyed them. Anti-libertarian
laws passed by recent Whig administrations, such as the Riot
Act (1715), the Septennial Act (1716) and the Waltham Black Act
(1723), were, of course, unmentionable at this time.
Both went on to make remarks of a kind which were commonly
used by many other clergymen to their congregations during the latter
months of 1745. Bate reminded his audience of the blessings they
enjoyed under their mild and just Protestant King, such as possessing
a free government, the Protestant religion and a healthy trade. He
contrasted these with the horrors which a successful rebellion would
bring in its wake; tyranny imposed by an arbitrary government,
Popery, the ruin of trade and a French army of occupation. If al I these
horrors were not enough, starvation was also said to loom, because of
the 'craving demands of the Pope and the French ... the gaping mouths
of his [the Young Pretender's] hungry and naked fiends of the
north' .38 Though Anguish concentrated less on the vile nature of Papery,
he nevertheless opined that it would 'drench our streets in
287
JONATHAN OATES
Blood'. 39 Anti-popery was thought to be a powerful propaganda tool
by all those in the pulpits of the established Church and by dissenters,
too, and few hesitated to use it.
Anguish went into more detail than did Bate on the positive reasons
for loyalty to King George. Peace, he said, brought in its train several
blessings, 'whether directed to our religious or civil rights' .40 Both
trade and knowledge would be increased by a state of peace, but more
importantly, a peaceful kingdom would more resemble the kingdom
of God than one rent by faction. This precious peace could be associated
with King George, 'thro' the kindness and wisdom of his present
Majesty, this was long the Portion of his People' .41
Bate made points specific to his own parish, which most other clergymen,
including Anguish, did not. He revealed to his parishioners that
if rebellion triumphed, in order to prevent Britain being a rival to
France on the high seas, shipbuilding in the locality would come to an
end, and all those involved in the associated crafts would either be
shipped to France or would be forced into some other trade. He concluded
his dire warning thus, 'our Town of Deptford, which either
directly or indirectly depends wholly upon this business, must of
course be reduced from a flourishing town of nine or ten thousand to
a despicable village of perhaps an hundred cottages' .42
In summing up, the clergymen used different emphases, yet in both
cases the underlying message was the same. Bate concentrated upon
the actions which should now be taken on the part of his audience.
These were twofold. Firstly, the parishioners should repent of their
sinfulness, which had led to this impending doom before them. They
should also beg God to bless the means of their defence. Secondly,
and more practically, he urged them to 'exert our own best endeavours
to stop this growing evil'. Interestingly, he implied that national
defence rested on the shoulders of the elite, aided by a popular following,
for he wrote: 'We of this parish are partly of the middling, but
generally of Lower Life; yet all may do something'. He suggested the
formation of a County association, but only 'if our superiors advise
it'. County associations were formed by many Lords Lieutenant to
pledge their county's loyalty to the King, often raising money to pay
for volunteer companies, as in Yorkshire. Bate thought that there
would probably be such an association formed in Kent, and indeed
there was, eventually. He urged his audience, 'if it be necessary to
open our purses, let us do it cheerfully ... if things come to that pass,
that we must hazard our lives in Defence of our Country' .43
Anguish concentrated on the spiritual means towards salvation. As
the title of his sermon suggests, Allegiance and Support. A debt of
gratitude to His Majesty, he stressed the loyalty owed by his congreg-
288
RESPONSES TO THE JACOBITE REBELLION IN DEPTFORD AND LEWISHAM
ation towards the King. He urged prayers be offered to God, but he
did not wholly discount physical means of defence, as he said, 'the
ready Use of all means which Providence has put in their power' ,44
should be employed against the rebellion. Both urged that opposition
to the rebellion, both by prayer and more material means, was necessary
in order to defend their current liberties, their trade, their religion
and the benevolent monarchy which guaranteed these, against
Popish enemies.
The actual impact of these messages is difficult to measure. Certainly,
on 12 November, the Kent Association was formed and signatures
canvassed to express loyalty to the King, and local men probably
put their names to this document, and in December the county elite
were called upon to supply arms and other equipment to the militia,
due to the renewed French invasion scare.45 Bate's and Anguish's exhortations
probably encouraged men to heed these calls, which resulted
in an impressive array of public actions. Certainly those whom
Bate termed the 'Lower Life' were active in a public profession of
loyalty to the King. This would have been encouraged by the two
clerics and other local Whigs, yet it indicates a degree of popular support
against the rebellion. As Dickinson points out, popular political
activity was usually conservative, aiming to uphold the existing state
of affairs, whether against the innovative Excise Bill, as in 1733, or
as in the case of food riots, to preserve the moral economy.46 This
was certainly the case here, as it was elsewhere in the Kingdom.
Certainly the two clerics thought their audiences would probably be
hostile to major upheaval in Church and State, and focussed their
parishioners' minds accordingly.
Popular Demonstration and the Role of the Press
The Kentish Post, of 2-6 November 1745, recorded the following
event taking place in Deptford on 30 October, more fully than the
myriad other newspapers who brought it to their readers' attention,
and thus to national prominence (Fig. 2). The King's birthday was
celebrated there with a loyal procession. It consisted of:
1.
2.
3.
A Highlander in his proper dress, carrying on a pole, a pair of wooden
shoes., and his motto, 'The newest make from France'.
A Jesuit in his proper dress, carrying on the point of a long flaming sword,
a banner with this inscription, 'Inquisition, Flames and Damnation'.
Two Capuchin Friars, properly shaved, habited and accoutred with Flogging
Ropes, a Bell, Mass Book and Candle, to curse the British Nation
with: the other carried a large standard with this Inscription, 'Indulgences
as cheap as dirt'.
289
JONATHAN OATES
"' t \':J :a.; '. ,,,,.fr. . . , i , :,., • , • ·h ., .. ri, . -t 0 Th Alt ., tl11 1Ho'no\tf. fb lttr, hfrM.ttlft,l ·
Rnd hlM,nr wu ·r,l'e:U'cJ 'to cttn(d,tff11H d nfl'U• t-,j
hood t>n Rkhntd 1f0Art!'1 qi tc?tcl·M•tur, .!.; .r.:·:,-1!., ·; R ·
Amongn the_ fcv,cral. Rej1:P.O.tt1ff ir;:;,h- t i°
Day, thrrc was fo1r.t:th1ng {4.JJt_w-ly, q;, 1,r.,tl cal · 0
tranfaJ at D<:ptforJ; tt. we niall va,t\lr'e .to en«main
our Rt-ada-s witl.t it• . 1 ;.1 , 1 . , . ·?,f ,,..,, :"
The DE PT F ·O R,D· , P.R·0 cz ·k s · s.,t. Q;N ·
, • A Highlander in his.;.j,rot,er, Drdij'. Jni oa. a
ole, a Pair of W oodcn-Slib : with this lotto•• lJ h,
Nnc rJ1. Ma-A:, /r1Jm Paris, · ' . · ., 1;,: • · ·!
%. A jcfuit, in hi proper :brcfs, .catryir.g. rn the Point
of :i long flaming Sword, a-Bnnher, with tlii$:lnfcripdon
ill l:trgo Capit:'Lls, f11q uijitio11, F/amu and Damnatiotr.
3. Two Capuin Fr'ars; pr<,>p-.:rly {ha,·ed, lbitcd nnd
accoutred ith Floggin g-ropes, Drn