
Mediaeval Rochester
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Roman Rochester
The Bones of Archbishop Beckett
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MEDIEVAL ROCHESTER.*
BY REV. GREVILE M. LIVETT.
PAET I.
CONCERNING THE SAXON CITY OR THE " CASTELLTTM
WHICH IS CALLED HROEESCESTER," AND THE
NORMAN " CASTELLHM " OR CASTLE.
MANY archaeologists have written upon the walls of Eochester,
and each one has added his quota of fresh information
and surmise. Once more the task must be essayed. Mr.
George Payne's startling identification of the original wall
of the rounded south-east angle of the Eoman walled town
has led to the recognition of other portions of the Eoman
walls, and has thrown fresh light upon the numerous walls
of later date^ Now that the exact boundaries of the Eoman
station are known, the elucidation of the problems presented
by the mediseval walls has become much simpler than it was
of yore.
Mr. Payne has undertaken the description of the Eoman
walls, and has relegated to the present writer the task of
describing the later walls. The accompanying Maps and
Drawings are intended to illustrate both Papers.
THE EOMAN STATION.
For the purpose of this Paper a very brief outline of the
Eoman walls will suffice.t Starting from the east-gate, the
site of which Hes in front of the new buildings of the Mathematical
School, the line of the wall runs southwards through
the front door of No. 116, and turns towards the west through
Miss Spong's garden. Thence it runs through the Deanery
garden, forms the southern boundary of the later-Norman
* Tho reader should constantly consult the Eolding Map. Reference to the
other illustrations will be found in the footnotes.
t See the Plate whioh accompanies Mr. Payne's Paper on " Boman Roohester."
VOX.. XXI, 0
18 MEDIiEVAL ROCHESTER.
cloister-garth (Canon Jelf's garden), crosses the Precinct's
road immediately south of the sunken gateway, runs on
under the north face of Mr. A. A. Arnold's house (Bishop's
Palace), crosses Boley Hill Street (the site of the south-gate)
through Nos. 7 and 8, runs under the south wall of the keep,
and roughly speaking parallel with the modern low retaining
wall on the south side of the ballium, cuts into the rounded
south-west angle of the castle-walls, and thence runs westwards
along the top of the cliff. Thence to the High Street
at the foot of the bridge its exact line is not known. Starting
again at the east-gate it runs along the city wall, seen from
Free School Lane, turns westward again with a rounded
angle, runs on to Pump Lane (the site of the north-gate),
through the yards at the back of the houses on the common,
and so on towards the river. The exact site of the northwest
angle and the line thence to the foot of the bridge are
uncertain, but it is thought that the west wall of St. Clement's
Church and, later, that of the club-house erected on the site
of the Church, were successively built on the Eoman line.
There is no Eoman brick in the remains of the walls, except
in the foundations (underground) near the north-west angle,
which was probably strengthened by " the Count of the Saxon
Shore " in the fourth century by the addition of a tower.*
THE SAXON CATHEDRAL.
I am glad to have this early opportunity of describing
the complete plan of iEthelbert's first cathedral Church,
built in 604 and partly discovered in 1889 (Arch. Cant.,
Vol. XYIII.). The north-east corner of the nave was disclosed
in the summer of 1894, when a trench was dug, for
the purpose of lowering the gas main, along the middle of
the road that runs by the west front. At the same time the
lines of the foundations of the nave walls were followed
westwards, in the burial-ground, by means of a probe. The
* There is no brick in the remains of the Roman walls at Hastings (Restenga
eeastre—Bayeux Tapestry). At Pevensey, a castrum of later date probably,
•where lines of tiles are used to bond the coursed face of the wall to the core, the
mortar of the facing stones and bonding tiles is pink, while that of the core
contains no pounded brick or tile.
MEDIAEVAL ROCHESTER. 19
nave seems to have measured, in round figures, 42 feet by
28 feet. The foundations of the west wall seemed to line
very nearly with the west side of the burial-ground. No
signs of aisles, quasi-transepts, or porch were revealed. If
a porch existed at the west end of the Church its foundations
must be under the road and could only be discovered by excavation.
If the Eoman cross-street be represented by lines
drawn from the site of the south-gate in Boley Hill Street to
the site of the north-gate in Pump Lane it will be found that
the west end of the Saxon Church lies upon it. This fact
may explain the curious deviation, from a straight Hue, of
the present road from Boley Hill Street to the High Street.
This road, which is now called King's Head Lane, was
anciently Doddingherne Lane.
THE SAXON CITY.
A word or two about the Saxon city. The chieftain Eoff
seems to be a mythical personage carved out of the name
Hrofescester. The venerable Bseda probably recorded a vulgar
tradition when he said that the English nation so named the
city "from one that was formerly chief man of it." Mr.
Eoach Smith broached a likelier and more scientific derivation
of the name from the Eoman name Dourobrivis and the
Saxon affix ceastre or Chester. Canon Isaac Taylor (Words
and Places, p. 173) has remarked the fact that the first
syllable of place-names " containing Chester, caster, or caer,
is usually Celtic." Dourobrivis is probably " a Latinization
of the enchorial name." " In Winchester the first syllable
is the Latin venta, a word which was constructed from the
Celtic gwent, a plain. Bmchester contains a portion of the
Latinized name Binovium. In Dorchester and Exeter we
have the Celtic words dwr and uisge, water; in Manchester
we have man, a district." It is said that Dwr-bryf means a
swift stream. The contraction of Dourobrivis-castra and its
modification to the common Saxon form of Hrofescester is not
more curious than that of many other compounds of castra.
In the Saxon charters Eochester appears as castrum or civitas
Hrobi as well as Hrofi, illustrating the interchange of b and/ .
c 2
20 MEDIEVAL ROCHESTER.
In JEthelbert's charter the curious combination civitas Hrofi
brevi occurs. Surely this is a trace of the elided second part
of Dourobrivis. It seems to me to be also a mark of the
genuineness of the charter.*
Whatever may be the origin of the first syllable of
Hrofescester, the Saxon affix is sufficient to prove that Dourobrivis
was a walled station. It does more: it shews that we
need not look for a castle in Eochester in Saxon times in
order to explain why the city was often spoken of as a castrum
or castellum. There was no castle in Eochester before Norman
times. The city was the castellum. In the Saxon
charters relating to Eochester civitas, castrum, castellum are
synonymous terms; and the walls (muri and mrnnia) of the
city are constantly mentioned—intra castelli mcenia supra
nominati, id est, Hrofiscestri (Textus Roffensis, ed. Hearne,
p. 77)—intra moenia supradictse civitatis (p. 85)—in castro
quod nominatur Hrofesceaster (p. 80)—ad septentrionalem
murum prsefatse civitatis (p. 90). A castellum in mediseval
writers is not a keep or tower, but a place surrounded by
walls. This use of the word must be borne in mind when we
come to consider the Norman castle. The Saxon castellum
is the whole city; the Norman castellum is the walled enclosure
within the city.
There is a significant passage to which Mr. Hartshorne has
called attention in his valuable paper on Rochester Castle
(Arch. Journal, vol. xx,, 1863). It occurs in a charter granted
by Offa in 788, whereby the king conveys land at Trottesclib
to the church of St. Andrew the Apostle and to the episcopality
of the castellum called Hrofescester—ad ecclesiam beati
Andreas Apostoli, et ad episcopium Castelli quod nominatur
Hrofescester (T. R., p. 86). Bseda, too, in the seventh
century, speaks of Putta as the bishop of the castellum of
* The process of contraction is easily imagined, especially if one remembers
that in pronunciation the third syllable was probably short and the aocent laid
upon the second syllable : Dourobrivis-cester—D'robis-oester—Hrobiscester
Hrofescester. The Rev. A. J. Pearman has kindly sent me an extraot from.
Camden's Britannia (p. 235, ed. 1607), from whioh it would seem that Camden
ought to have the credit of the derivation advocated in the text. Camden
concludes his criticism thus : sed pristini illius nomjnis Duro-brouis aliquid in
se retinere mihi videtur,
MEDIAEVAL ROCHESTER. 21
West Kent called Eochester. " These expressions are intended
to convey the idea of the union of spiritual and
military authority in the city where the church of St. Andrew
had been founded." This union must have lasted
throughout the Saxon period. It may have been suspended
while Earl Godwin owned the city, and also when William the
Conqueror, as Domesday implies, granted the city to his
half-brother Odo, Bishop of Bayeux and Earl of Kent. It
was certainly dissolved finally in 1126 when Henry I. made the
archbishop Constable of the Castle of Eochester and granted
him permission to build the keep.
THE EARLY-NORMAN CASTLE.
Mr. Hartshorne, whose laborious research seems to have
exhausted the literary materials for the history of the castle,
has absolutely dismissed Bishop Gundulf's claims to be considered
the builder of the existing keep. The historians of
the twelfth century and the style of the building combine in
pronouncing it to be the work of Archbishop William de
Corbeuil between 1126 and 1139. There is no evidence of
any kind to warrant the supposition that this keep took the
place of a smaller and earlier Norman keep. The supposition
is possible, but there is no reliable evidence. On the other
hand there is distinct evidence, both historical and mural,
that a castle (in the sense of an area enclosed by walls and
a ditch) existed before Archbishop William came on the
scene; and the same evidence proves that this castle was
formed in the early-Norman period.. It is quite possible
that Bishop Gundulf was the builder. The mural evidence
will be fully considered in this Paper. The historical evidence
is supplied by the Domesday record—Episoopus etiam
de Eouecestre, pro excambio terre in qua castellum sedet,
tantum de hac terra tenet quod 17s. 4d. valet. Mr. L. B.
Larking has translated the entry thus : " The Bishop of
Eochester also holds as much of this land as is worth seventeen
shillings and four pence, in exchange for the land on
which the castle stands." (The bishop held of the royal
manor of Aylesford. The land seems to have been situate
22 MEDIiEVAL ROCHESTER.
near Eochester.) Thus it is quite clear that the castle was
in existence at the time of the enrolment of the survey
record. The date can scarcely be fixed more definitely. It
is an interesting little problem. . Domesday implies that the
Conqueror intended to build a castle in Eochester, and made
an exchange of land for that purpose, and that such a castle
was in existence by the time that the survey records were
enrolled. The survey was taken in 1086. The king may
have begun the work before his death in 1087, but the
accounts of the rebellion of Odo, Earl of Kent, in favour of
Eobert of Normandy against William Eufus make no
mention of it. The Saxon Chronicle, under 1087, speaks of
the castel of Hrofe-ceastre, but refers probably to the whole
city. William of Malmesbury studiously avoids the use of
the words castellum and castrum, and describes the townsfolk
gathered on the walls of Eovecestra and the besiegers shouting
to them to open the gates—regii . . . . circa muros desiliunt,
clamantes oppidanis ut portas aperiant (G-esta Regum,
iv., 306). Probably the early-Norman castle, if begun, was
not completed till after Odo's disgrace. Mr. L. B. Larking
(The Domesday Booh of Kent, p. 185 et passim) shews
how the record was influenced here and there by the forfeiture
of Odo's estates. It is probable that the words "on
which the castle [now] stands " did not form part of the
Commissioners' notes, and that they were added at the
time of the enrolment. Upon these considerations, then, it
may fairly be assumed that the completion of the early-
Norman castle may be dated circa 1090.
It is possible that' in this early-Norman work we have
the grounds on which Gundulf's claims to be the builder of
the later-Norman keep were set up. Supposing it to have
been begun by Wilham I., the king would naturally commit
the work to the hands of the architect of the White Tower
of London; or supposing it to have been begun by William
Eufus, nothing could be more natural than a desire on the
part of the king to strengthen the defences of Eochester when
the city fell into his hands; or that he should seek the
assistance of the bishop whom he trusted, who was on the
spot, who had diplomatically negotiated the capitulation,
MEDI2EVAL ROCHESTER. 23
whom in the very next year he appointed to administer for a
lengthened period the see of Canterbury, who moreover
was distinguished far and wide for his architectural skill—
in opere csementarii plurimum sciens et efficax (T. R., p. 146).
It was quite in keeping, too, with the character of the Eed
King that, when he made a grant of the manor of Hadenham
to the church of St. Andrew for the victualling of Gundulf's
monks, he should exact some return from the bishop, and that
it should take the form of a bargain that the bishop should
build the castellum for his royal master. It is natural, too,
that the monks, fifty years later, should attribute to Gundulf
all the glory of the great tower that overshadowed their
minster—quare Gundulfus episcopus Castrum Eofense lapideum
totum de suo proprio regi construxit (T. R., p. 144).
Sixty pounds, the sum named as the cost, would not go far
towards the raising of so great a pile, but with the free labour
which the bishop could command the sum might very well
suffice to make the enceinte of the castle, its ditch and
curtain wall.
THE EARLY-NORMAN CASTLE-WALL : WEST SIDE.
Quitting conjecture, let us turn our attention to the walls
themselves. Parts of the circuit have fallen or been removed
in modern times. Parts of what remains are manifestly of
later than early-Norman date. Still there are sufficient
remains of early-Norman date to prove that the early-
Norman circuit was once complete. In course of time the
early masonry would naturally require patching and repairing
and in parts thorough re-building. Nearly the whole of the
wall overlooking the river on the west side of the enceinte is
early-Norman. On the north side of the cathedral there is
a tower that goes by the name of Gundulf's Tower. It is
certainly a work of early-Norman date, in construction very
much like St. Leonard's Tower at Mailing. It was built
before Gundulf laid out his new cathedral, and may very
well be the genuine work of Gundulf. The masonry of
the west wall of the castle is so much like that of these
two towers that one can have no doubt that it is early-
Norman work. I would go further and say, that it seems
24 MEDIiEVAL ROCHESTER.
impossible to get away from the assumption that Gundulf
built the castle in which archbishop William afterwards
erected the keep. I believe that Mr. J. T. Irvine, who has
kindly allowed me the use of his valuable notes on Eochester,
was the first to recognize its early-Norman character and
date. His local knowledge is extensive and his authority
decisive on this point. The herringbone style of building is
the chief characteristic of early-Norman walling in this
neighbourhood. There are two distinct kinds. In one kind
the faces of a wall are built in courses, every course consisting
chiefly of rag-stones laid aslant in either direction, and
including also a few stones large enough to fill the course
when laid on their proper bed. The castle-wall is of this
kind; so also is Gundulf's tower and a part of the wall of the
north aisle of the cathedral. In the other kind the faces
are built up of similar courses of herringbone work alternating
with narrow bonding-courses of flat rag-stones: the
narrow courses often decrease in width and run into flat
bonding-courses, and vice versd the flat courses change to
larger courses of herringbone work. The walls of St.
Leonard's Tower at Mailing and a portion of the wall of
the south aisle of the nave of the cathedral are built in this
way. There is a bit of similar walling at the end of Mr. Eae
Martin's garden in the Precinct. Sketches of examples of
both kinds of early-Norman wall-facing are given in the
Illustrations.*
Mr. Irvine has called attention to a special peculiarity of
the castle-wall: at intervals it seems to be strengthened by
"internal buttresses built flush with the face of the wall."
These so-called buttresses consist simply of stones of unusually
large size inserted in the courses of herringbone work. There
is much irregularity in their disposition, and they seem to be
used wherever the line of the wall makes a slight angle.
This peculiarity may be seen in the wall overlooking the
river, f The thickness of the wall at its base is about 4£
feet, at the top 2 feet. Its outer face is plain, while the
* Plate I., Nos. 1 and 2, and Plate II.
t Plate I., No. 1. In this sketch, made from careful measurements, is
seen the method of strengthening the wall by the use of large stones.
Plate 1.
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