Romney Marsh in the Roman period

Introduction The question of the Roman occupation of Romney Marsh has occupied scholars for nearly 150 years. The first serious, but faltering, attempts to grapple with the problem were made by Holloway in his History of Romney Marsh (1849). A few years later a major paper was published by James Elliott, an engineer who knew the marsh well and was inspired by Charles Roach Smith's excavation of the Roman fort at Lympne to think of marshland topography in relation to the needs of the shore fort garrison (Elliott 1852). Much heated debate of little consequence followed. This was summed up, and fully referenced, by Holmes (1907, 532-52). There matters rested until 1968 when the Soil Survey of England and Wales published their seminal account of the marshland soils (Green 1968). Green's work, for the first time, provided a reliable physical framework within which future discussion could be structured. It also carried with it implications of change through time which focused attention on the complex dynamics of evolving environment and changing land use. The present writer's involvement with the problem began with a programme of excavations at Stutfall Castle, Lympne in 1976-8 (Cunliffe 1980a). The results of this work, and the inspiration provided by Green's survey, led to the publication of a preliminary statement outlining, albeit tentatively, the evolution of the marsh (Cunliffe 1980b). The present paper is an attempt to focus on the archaeological potential of the marsh in the Roman period. The physical environment The starting point for any discussion of' the Roman settlement must be the physical form of the marsh in the early first millennium AD. The question is fraught with difficulty but two basic assumptions can be made: a) that there existed a coastal barrier of shingle, built by long-shore drift and anchored on Fairlight Head, ending in a cuspate head south of Lympne. A major drainage channel existed between this head and the cliff to the north, and was kept clear by tidal water entering and leaving the inlet, combined with the outflow offresh water from the hinterland. While it is possible that there may have been another opening in the barrier in the vicinity of Romney (or one may have developed during this time) there is no positive evidence. b) Between the coastal barrier and the mainland, a - - marshland landscape developed through which the drainage channels of the Rother, Tillingham and Brede flowed. Some parts of this marshland were sufficiently elevated and well-drained to allow Roman settlement to take place. In the Romney Marsh proper, Green makes a distinction between calcified and decalcified marshland, suggesting that the decalcified is the older. Significantly it is on the decalcified soils that the various areas of Roman settlement are located. As a working hypothesis, therefore, we may tentatively take the distinction between these two soil types to indicate the approximate divide between dry land and tidal marsh in the early centuries of the Roman period. The resulting map (Fig. 6.1) suggests a complex of drainage channels converging to form an inland lagoon which opened to the sea near Hythe. The drainage pattern between the lagoon and the mainland to the west is unknown and open to debate. It is possible that the various rivers flowed in individual channels but it could equally well be that, by this stage, they had converged into one before entering the lagoon. Only detailed geomorphological field-work will resolve the question. That there were changes to the environment in the late Roman or immediate post-Roman period is clearly shown at three sites: St. Mary's Bay, Ruckinge and Lympne. At St. Mary's Bay, Green (1968, 113-14) showed that a Roman land surface had been eroded by a minor creek and then sealed by up to 0.5 m of sandy loam. At Ruckinge, a Roman occupation level was sealed by 0.6 m of alluvium (information from Peter Masters), while at Lympne, 2 m of alluvium accumulated during the time that the landslip, which destroyed the Roman fort, took place (Cunliffe 1980a, 244-7). The simplest explanation of these observations is that after the second-third century AD conditions in the lagoon changed and led to the deposition of a thick layer of alluvium. The early stage in the formation of the alluvium to the south of Lympne was shown by diatom analysis to have taken place under marine conditions (Cunliffe 1980a, 258), but the exact chronological relationship of this deposit to the silts sealing the Roman occupation at Ruckinge and St. Mary's Bay cannot yet be defined. On balance, therefore, while it is possible that the late alluviation of the lagoon took place as the result of sea- level rise, other factors were also at work, such as the blocking of the mouth of the inlet and the ponding up of water behind, or the realignment of the major river channels to new outlets (? near Romney) and the consequent clogging of the old drainage system. It may eventually prove that a combination of all these factors caused the late alluviation. The problem of chronology will be returned to again below. The cultural environment In the late Iron Age the Romney Marsh area, the Weald and much of the Sussex Downs and coastal plain seem to have been cut off from the main centres of innovation. The distribution of aristocratic burials, imported wine- drinking and feasting equipment and the main oppida focus in central southern Britain, in the Solent region and in the east of the country, on either side of the Thames estuary and the hinterland of the other rivers flowing into the North Sea. These were the areas which maintained direct contacts with Gaul and the Roman world. The invasion of AD 43 did little to change the situation. In the period of Romanization which followed, urban centres and road systems developed but these were based essentially on the pre-Roman socio- economic pattern. In the whole of the coastal zone between the Roman towns of Chichester and Canterbury, no urban centre emerged. The general backwardness of the region is further demonstrated by its reliance on locally-produced coarse pottery hand- made in a native tradition (Green 1981). It is against this background that the occupation of the marsh must be seen. Roman settlement pattern and land use Two aspects of the Roman utilization of the marsh can be discerned from the presently available evidence: on the large scale it formed an essential element in the economic exploitation of the Weald; on the smaller scale, its own special resources were exploited as part of a local economic strategy. Wealden exploitation (Fig. 6.1) It is now well established that iron production in the Weald developed very rapidly in the years immediately following the invasion and it has been-suggested that the production centres of the eastern Weald may have been under the direct control of the state, managed by the British Fleet (Classis Britannica) (Cleere 1974; 1976). The argument, based on the occurrence of tiles stamped CL BR at a number of the production sites, is not at all unreasonable in the light of Imperial policy which frequently invested the control of mineral extraction in the hands of the state. The transport ofiron and no doubt other commodities needed by the army, such as bulk timber readily available in the Weald, was a costly business. Some supplies may have gone overland using the road which runs from Hastings to Canterbury or Rochester but land transport was notoriously expensive. More to the point, if the Wealden iron and timber were to be supplied to the military zone in the north of Britain, then the only sensible means of transport was by sea using the east coast route to York or beyond. In this context a coastal base at or near Lympne, where there is clear evidence of the presence of the Classis Britannica in the second century, would have been particularly useful (Cunliffe 1980a, 284-5). The site of Lympne was well chosen to command the mouth of the lagoon with its protected haven, while at the same time having good land connections to Canterbury and beyond. At such a point bulk commodities would have been trans-shipped from river barges to sea-going ships. Such a system would assume that river transport brought the cargoes from the areas of production along the rivers Rother and Brede, through the marsh and across the lagoon. It is possible that the ill-known (and largely unpublished) riverside facilities at Bodiam, where the road crossed the Rother, may have been the inland terminal of the system. The discovery of CL BR tiles here suggests an official status (Lemmon and Hill 1966). Once a system of this kind had been established it could have been used to transport other bulk goods, civilian as well as hilitary. In this context one should not forget that the shallow draught cargo vessel found in the Thames at Blackfriars was carrying Kentish rag building stone (Marsden 1967) of a type which could have been quarried quite close to the port of Lympne. While the existence of a transport system of the kind outlined is highly probable in the first and srcond centuries AD there is no indication of the volume of cargo carried, but if Cleere's calculations for iron production are accepted then it must have been considerable and in keeping with the demands of the army. Clearly to test the hypothesis firm archaeological evidence is required. It would be interesting to re- examine the riverside installation~ at Bodiam and to locate the harbour works at Lympne. The possibility of discovering boat remains at both is high. It is also possible that some stretches of the river channels across the marsh may have been canalized or otherwise modified. Here detailed field-work could produce results. Local economic strategies In the Roman period, as in later ages, the marshland itself could have provided a useful range of economic resources for the local population to exploit. The rough grass of the decalcified marsh was excellent pasture for sheep and cattle; salt pans and evaporating works could easily be constructed at the marsh edge; while the proliferation of sea birds would have augmented the diet. Archaeological evidence of occupation is at present slight (Fig. 6.1) and may briefly be summarized: Dymchurch. When the line of the sea wall was altered in The Roman Period 1844-6 and moved inland by 150 m a considerable quantity of Roman occupation debris was found extending over several acres including 'vast masses of pottery', some coins and samian ware. Burials with samian were noted. A reference to crude unbaked pottery, which F. C. Lucis said was like the 'hand bricks' found on sites in Lincolnshire and the Channel Islands, suggests the presence of salt-working debris (briquetage) (Issacson 1846). 85 Other Roman burials recorded in the vicinity, found in 1932, were also accompanied by second-century samian. Close by extensive areas of briquetage can be seen on the surface as a result of ploughing. Trial excavation in 1985 located an occupation layer containing first- and second-century pottery and briquetage. St. Mary's Bay. Buried land surface producing pottery identified as 'late 1st century B.C. or early 1st century A.D.' (Green 1968, 1 13-14). Lydd (Sandy Banks). Ploughing revealed second- century AD pottery in 1951 close to undated earthwork Uones 1953). Lydd (Scotney Court). Topsoil stripping prior to gravel extraction in 1980 revealed first-century AD pottery and briquetage (Philp and Willson 1984). Snargate (Five Watering Sewer). Pottery said to be 'belgic' found above peat in sewer cutting in 1968 (Kelly 1968). Ruckinge (Weystreet Farm). Cremation burial(s) found in 1970 accompanied by three glass vessels and two samian pots of early second century (Bradshaw 1970). In addition to the sites mentioned, a few isolated coins have been found in the neighbourhood of Lydd and Romney: these are listed in the Archaeological Gazetteer, this volume, chapter 16. Although the evidence is not much to go on, the widespread occurrence of briquetage is particularly interesting, implying extensive salt working at Dym- church, Lydd and Ruckinge. The dating is consistent from all sites, there being no direct evidence of occupation after the end of the second century. In the absence of well-excavated samples it is impossible to assess the nature of the settlements or their economies, but one model would be to see them as the traditional sites of the summer encampments of a transhumant sector of the population, coming from their permanent settlements on the hills beyond the marshland edge, bringing their flocks and herds down to the lush summer pastures. The manufacture of salt, and possibly also of pottery, were summer activities and could have been carried out in the spare time while Fig. 6.1 Romney Marsh in the Roman Period: a tentative assessment. tending the animals. In such a system it is possible that occupation lasted until the early autumn when fattened stock were killed off, the carcasses salted down and the leather prepared (another process requiring salt). It should be stressed that this is one possible model but it has the advantage that it can be tested. A suitable excavation strategy, designed to acquire environmental samples, could throw light on the possible seasonality of occupation, while animal bone assemblages would allow questions of husbandry and butchery to be raised. It would be usefll, too, to examine the structures of the settlement. Against the model it might be argued that the cemeteries at Ruckinge and Dymchurch suggest a more permanent habitation. However, a strategy of the kind outlined would require a sector of the population to be away on the marsh for up to six months and there would be no compulsion to transport the dead to the winter base. The use of valuable marshland environments is well attested in Roman Britain and inevitably involves salt production. Similar patterns to Romney Marsh can be found in the North Kent Marshes (Miles 1975), on the Somerset Levels (Dewer 1949; Cunliffe 1966), the Essex Marshes (de Brisay 1975), the Lincolnshire Fens (Simmons 1980) and elsewhere, but nowhere is the archaeological evidence yet good enough to allow the economic system to be analysed in detail. The Late Roman crisis Such evidence as there is of Roman occupation on the marsh points towards widespread use in the first and second centuries but very little has been found to suggest a continuity of activity into the third or fourth century. Taken on its face value this must imply a major dislocation in the socio-economic system of the region. A clue to the reason may be provided by the erection of the shore fort at Lympne in the middle of the third century. Lympne was one of a series of forts built around the References Bradshaw. J. 1970: Ruckinge. Arch. Cant. 85, 179. Cleere, H. 1974: The Roman Iron Industry of the Weald and its connections with the Classis Britannica. Archaeol. Journ. 131, 171-99. Cleere, H. 1976: Some operating parameters for Roman Iron works. Bull. Inst. Archaeol. 13, 233-46. Cleere, H. 1977: The Classis Britannica. In Johnston, D. E. (editor), The Saxon Shore (London, CBA Res. Rep. 181, 16-19. Cunliffe, B. 1966: The Somerset Levels in the Roman Period. In Thomas, A. C. (editor), Rural Settlement in Roman Britain (London), 68-73. Cunliffe, B. 1973: The Regni (London). Cunliffe, B. 1977: The Saxon Shorr - some problems and misconceptions. In Johnston, D. E. (editor), The Saxon Shore (London, CBA Res. Rep. 18), 1-6. Cunliffe, B. 1980a: Excavation at the Roman Fort at Lympne, Kent. 1976-78. Britannia l l, 227-88. south-east coasts of Britain and the adjacent coasts of France to guard against pirate attacks which, in the third century, were becoming increasingly frequent (Johnson 1976; Cunliffe 1977). After the middle of the third century there is evidence to suggest that the Sussex coast was suffering from raids (Cunliffe 1973, 30). Undefended settlements on Romney Marsh (whether seasonal or permanent) would have been particularly at risk and herein may lie the reason for the apparent abandonment of the region. But there may be other contributory causes. A possible rise in sea-level, suggested above, may have begun at about this time. Even slight changes would have been enough to render traditional pastures unusable. The fort at Lympne was abandoned in about the middle of the fourth century, only a decade or so after a new fort had been built at Pevensey 60 km to the west (Cunliffe 1980a, 287-8). Why the abandonment came so early it is difficult to say but sea-level change causing the old safe haven to silt may have been the prime cause. Prospects Sufficient will have been said to stress that while comparatively little is yet known of the Roman settlement of the marsh, its potential is considerable. Apart from the excavations at Lympne, no systematic archaeological work has ever been carried out on Roman sites on the marsh. The data used here has been amassed entirely as the result of chance discovery: these finds are only the tip of the iceberg. From what little we know a range ofhypotheses can be generated and questions can be formulated offering the basis of a research strategy requiring systematic field- work, selective excavation and detailed environmental studies. The Romney Marsh Research Group, with its broad base in the disciplines of geomorphology, archaeology and history, is the appropriate organization to lead the work forward. Cunliffe, B. 1980b: The Evolution of Romney Marsh: a Preliminary Statement. In Thompson, F. H. (editor), Archaeology and Coastal Change (London, Soc. Antiq.), 37-54. de Brisay, K. W. 1975: The red hills ofEssex. In dr Brisay, K. W. and Evans, K. A. (editors), Salt, the stu4 gl' an Ancient Industry iColchester), 5-10. Dewer, H. S. L. 1949: The pottery mounds ofthe Brue Valley. Somerset and Dorset Notes and Querirs 25, 201. Elliott, J. 1852: Notes on the original plan of the castrum at Lymne, and on the past and present state of the Romney Marshes. In Smith, C. R., Report on Excavation made on the Site of the Roman Castrum at Lymne in X"ent in 1850 (London). Green, C. 1981: Handmade pottery and society in late Iron Age and Roman East Sussex. Sussex Archaeol. Coll. 118, 69-86. Green, R. D. 1968: Soils of Romney Marsh. Soil Survey of Gt. Britain, Bull. 4 (Harpenden). Holloway, W. 1849: The History of Romnty Marsh (London, John Russell Smith). The Roman Period Holmes, T. R. E. 1907: Ancient Britain and the Inuasion of Julius Caesar (Oxford). Issacson, S. 1846: Discovery ofRoman urns and other ancient remains, at Dymchurch in Romney Marsh. Archaeologia 31, 487-8. Johnson, S. 1976: The Roman Forts of the Saxon Shore (London). Jones, I. 1953: Roman remains on Lydd Rype. Arch. Cant. 66, 16CL1. Kelly, D. B. 1968: Snargate. Arch. Cant. 83, 265-6. Lemmon, C. H. and Hill, J. D. 1966: The Romano-British Site at Bodiam. Sussex Archaeol. Call. 104, 86-102. Marsden, P. 1967: A Roman shif from Blackfriars London (London). Miles, A. 1975: Salt panning in Romano-British Kent. In de Brisay, K. W. and Evans, K. A. (editors), Salt, the study of an Ancient Industry (Colchester), 26-31. Philp, B. and Willson, J. 1984: Roman site at Scotney Court, Lydd. Kent Archaeol. Rev. 68, 15G6 1. Simmons, B. B. 1980: Iron Age and Roman Coasts around the Wash. In Thompson, F. H. (editor), Archaeology and Coastal Change (London, Soc. Antiq.), 56-73.