List of the Popes of Antioch, c.1123
Transcription
109v (select folio number to open facsimile)
Nomina pontifi-
cum antiochenae
urbis.
ii Euodius martyr.
iii Ignatius.
iiii Heros.
110r
v Cornelius.
vi Nero.
vii Theophilus.
viii Maximianus.
ix Serapion.
x Asclepiades.
xi Philetus.
xii Zebennus.
xiii Babillas.
xiiii Fabianus.
xv Demetrianus.
xvi Paulus hereticus.
Sed hoc eiecto suc
xvii cedit Domninus.
xviii Timeus.
xix Cyrillus.
xx Dorotheus.
xxi Tirannus.
xxii Eudoxius.
xxiii Meletius.
xxiiii Paulinus.
xxv Meletius iterum.
xxvi Flauianus.
xxvii Yxxvii Ysidorus martyr.
Translation
Names of the Popes of Antioch:
1 Peter the Apostle
2 Evodius the Martyr.
3 Ignatius.
4 Heron [I].
5 Cornelius.
6 Nero[?].
7 Theophilus.
8 Maximus [I].
9 Serapion.
10 Asclepiades.
11 Philetus.
12 Zebinnus.
13 Babylas.
14 Fabius.
15 Demetrius.
16 Paul the heretic.
Sed hoc eiecto suc
17 cedit Domnus.
18 Timaeus.
19 Cyril.
20 Dorotheus.
21 Tyrannion.
22 Eudoxius.
23 Meletius.
24 Paulinus.
25 Meletius again.
26 Flavian [I].
27 Ysidorus[?] the martyr.
List of twenty-four elders, c.1124
A list of twenty-four elders, the purpose of which is unknown. Translation of Textus Roffensis 116v by Jacob Scott.
Transcription
116v (select folio number to open facsimile)
hæc sunt nomina uiginti quattor
seniorum. Iarim. Bidea. Raletea.
Maria. Correp. Sercib. Hibas. Abia. Michae.
Samae. Phaner. Hesmer. Affessor. Chesir. Gobra.
Chohos. Techeiamer. Ezechkiel. Enasib. Machin.
Samuhel. Beniamin. Dispar. Amin.
Translation
Here are the names of twenty-four elders:
Jarim,
Bidea,
Raletea,
Maria,
Correp,
Sercib,
Hibas,
Abia,
Michae,
Samae,
Phaner,
Hesmer,
Affessor,
Chesir,
Gobra,
Chohos,
Techeiamer,
Ezechiel,
Enasib,
Machin,
Samuel,
Benjamin,
Dispar,
Amin
Lists of British Bishops 604-1313 recorded in Textus Roffensis
Folio
Transcription
Literal Translation (see Translation Notes)
110v (select folio number to open facsimile)
110v Archbishops of Canterbury
The lists are written in two columns: each section begins with a rubric, and names are numbered in Red roman numerals. There are spaces left at the end of some of the lists, apparently for updating names. Some names are written in later hands. Completed after 1313.Nomina archiepiscoporum dorober-
Names of the archbishops of
nensis aecclesiae.
Canterbury:
i Augustinus. >vii. kl’ iunii.<
1 Augustine. >vii. kl’ june.<
ii Laurentius. >iiii. non’ febr’.<
2 Laurence. >iiii. non’< february.
iii Mellitus. >viii. kl’ mai.<
3 Mellitus. >viii. kl’ may.<
iiii Iustus. >iiii. id’ nouembr’.<
4 Justus. >iiii. id’ november.<
v Honorius. >ii. kl’ octob’.<
5 Honorius. >ii. kl’ october.<
vi Deusdedit. >Idus iulii.<
6 Deusdedit. >Idus july.<
vii Theodorus. >xiii. kl’ octob.<
7 Theodore. >xiii. kl’ october.<
viii Berhtuualdus.
8 Berhtwald.
vi [D]atuuinus.
9 Tatwine.
x Nothhelmus.
10 Nothhelm.
xi Cuðbertus.
11 Cuthbert.
xii Bregouuinus.
12 Bregowine.
xiii Iaenbertus.
13 Jænberht.
xiiii Aedilheardus.
14 Æthelhard.
xvWulfredus.
15 Wulfred.
xvi Suidredus.
16 Suidredus[?].
xvii Celnodus.
17 Ceolnoth.
xviii Aethelredus.
18 Æthelred.
xix Elegmundus.
19 Plegmund.
xx Athelmus.
20 Athelm.
xxi Wulfelmus.
21 Wulfhelm.
xxii Oda se goda. iiii. non’ iunii.
22 Oda the Good. iiii. non’ june.
xxiii Dunstanus. xiiii. kl’ iunii.
23 Dunstan. xiiii. kl’ june.
xxiiii Aeþelgarus.
24 Æthelgar.
The list continues at the top of the folio:
xxv Sigericus.
25 Sigeric [the Serious].
xxvi Aelfricus.
26. Ælfric [of Abingdon].
xxvii Aelfeachus. xiii. kl’ mai.
27 Ælfheah. xiii. kl’ may.
xxviii Liuincus.
28 Lyfing.
xxix Aeþelnodus.
29 Æthelnoth.
xxx Eadsynus.
30 Eadsige.
xxxi Rodbertus.
31 Robert [of Jumièges].
xxxii Stigandus.
32 Stigand.
xxxiii Lanfrancus. v. kl’ iunii.
33 Lanfranc. v. kl’ june.
xxxiiii Anselmus. xi. kl’ mai.
34 Anselm. xi. kl’ may.
xxxv Rodulfus. xiii. kl’ nouembr’.
35 Ralph [d'Escures]. xiii. kl’ november.
xxxvi Willelmus.
36 William [de Corbeil].
xxxvii Teodbaldus.
37 Theobald [of Bec].
xxxviii Tomas.
38 Thomas [Becket].
xxxix Ricardus.
39 Richard.
Baldewinus.
Baldewin [of Forde].
Hubertus.
Hubert [Walter].
Stephanus.
Stephen [Langton].
Ricardus.
Richard [le Grant].
Edmundus.
Edmund [of Abingdon].
Robertus.
Robert [Kilwardby].
Iohannes.
John [Peckham].
Robertus.
Robert [Winchelsey].
Walterus.
Walter [Reynolds].
111r Bishops of Rochester
Completed after 1319. There is a Latin annotation, partly legible, in a later hand (Lambarde’s?) at the bottom right corner.111r
Nomina episcoporum hrofensis aecclesiae.
Names of the bishops of Rochester:
i Iustus. iiii. idus nouember.
1 Justus. 4th ides of november
ii Romanus.
2 Romanus.
iii Paulinus. vi. idus october.
3 Paulinus. 6th ides of october
iiii Ythamar.
4 Ithamar.
v Damianus.
5 Damianus.
vi Putta.
6 Putta.
vii Cuichelmus.
7 Cwichelm.
viii Gybmundus.
8 Gebmund.
ix Tobias.
9 Tobias.
x Alduulfus.
10 Ealdwulf.
xi Dunno
11 Dunn.
xii Eardulfus.
12 Eardwulf.
xiii Diora.
13 Diora.
xiiii Weormundus.
14 Waermund [I].
xv Beornmodus.
15 Beornmod.
xvi Tadnothus.
16 Tadnoth.
xviii Badenothus.
17 Badenoth.
xviii Cuðuulfus.
18 Cuthwulf.
xix Suithulfus.
19 Swithwulf.
xx Burhricus.
20 Burgric.
xxi Ceolmundus.
21 Ceolmund.
xxii Cyneferthus.
22 Cyneferth.
xxiii AÆlfstanus.
23 Ælfstan.
xxiiii Goduuinus i.
24 Godwin I.
xxv Goduuinus ii.
25 Godwin II.
xxvi Sywardus.
26 Siward.
xxvii Ernostus.
27 Arnost.
xxviiii Gundulfus.
28 Gundulf.
xxix Radulfus.
29 Ralph [d'Escures].
xxx Ernulfus.
30 Ernulf.
xxxi Iohannes i.
31 John I.
xxxii Ioh’s ii.
32 John II.
xxxiii Ascelinus.
33 Ascelin.
xxxiiii Walterius.
34 Walter.
xxxv Walerannus.
35 Waleran.
xxxvi Gilebertus.
36 Gilbert [Glanvill].
xxxvii Benedictus.
37 Benedict [of Sausetun].
xxxviii Henricus.
38 Henry [Sandford].
Ricardus.
Richard [Wendene].
Laurencius.
Laurence [of St Martin].
Walterus.
Walter [de Merton].
Iohannes.
John [Bradfield].
Thomas.
Thomas [Ingoldsthorpe].
Thomas
Thomas [Wouldham]
Hamo
Hamo [Hethe]
111v Bishops of London
111v
Nomina episcoporum orien-
Names of the bishops of the
talium saxonum.
West Saxons:
i Mellitus.
1 Mellitus.
ii [C]edd.
2 Cedd.
iii Ercenwald.
3 Earconwald.
iiii Waldhere.
4 Waldhere.
v Inguuald.
5 Ingwald.
vi Ecguulf.
6 Ecgwulf.
vii Wigheh.
7 Wigheah.
viii [E]adbriht.
8 Eadberht.
ix Eadgar.
9 Eadgar.
x [C]enwalh.
10 Coenwealh.
xi Eadbald.
11 Eadbald.
xii Haðobriht.
12 Heathoberht.
xiii Osmund.
13 Osmund.
xiiii Æðelnoð.
14 Æthelnoth.
xv Ceolbriht.
15 Ceolberht.
xvi Ðeodred.
16 Ðeodred[?].
xvii Brihthelm.
17 Brihthelm.
xviii Ælfstan.
18 Ælfstan.
111v-112r Bishops of Chichester
Nomina episcoporum austra-
Names of the bishops of the
lium saxonum.
South Saxons:
i Wilfrið.
1 Wilfrid.
ii Eadbriht.
2 Eadberht.
iii Eolla.
3 Eolla.
iiii Sigga.
4 Sigeferth.
v Alubriht.
5 Aluberht.
vi Bosa.
6 Osa/Oswald.
vii Gislhere.
7 Gislhere.
viii Iota.
8 Tota.
ix Wiothun.
9 Wihthun.
x Aðelwulf.
10 Æthelwulf.
xi Cynred.
11 Cynered.
xii Guðheard.
12 Guthheard.
112r
xiii Ælfred.
13 Ælfred.
xiiii Eadhelm.
14 Eadhelm.
xv Æðelgar.
15 Æthelgar.
xvi Ordbyrht.
16 Ordbriht.
112r-112v Bishops of Winchester
Nomina episcoporum
Names of the bishops
occidentalium
of the west
saxonum
Saxons
i Primus occidentalium
1 Prime West Saxons,
saxonum, Birinus fu-
Birinus
it episcopus, qui cum consilio
was the bishop, who at the advice
honorii papae uene-
of the honored pope came to
rat britanniam.
Britain.
ii AÆgilberht.
2 Agilbert.
iii [W]ine.
3 Wine.
iiii Leutherius.
4 Leuthere.
v Hædde. Deinde in duas parrochias diuisus est, altera uuentanae aecclesiae, altera scirburnensis aecclesiae.
5 Hædde. Deinde in duas parrochias diuisus est, altera uuentanae aecclesiae, altera scirburnensis aecclesiae.
vi Danihel.
6 Daniel.
vii Hunfrið.
7 Hunfrith.
viii Cyneheard. ix Æðelhear[d.]
8 Cyneheard. 9 Æthelheard
x Ecgbald.
10 Ecgbald.
xi Dudd.
11 Dudd.
xii Cynebriht.
12 Cyneberht.
xiii Ealhmund.
13 Ealhmund.
xiiii Wigðegin.
14 Wigthegn.
xv Herferð.
15 Herefrith.
xvi Eadhun.
16 Eadhun.
xvii Helmstan.
17 Helmstan.
xviii Sxviii Suuiðhun.
18 Swithun.
112v
xviiii Ealhferð.
19 Ealhferth.
xx Denewulf.
20 Denewulf.
xxi Friðestan.
21 Frithestan.
xxii Byrnstan.
22 Beornstan.
xxiii Ælfheah.
23 Ælfheah [I].
xxiiii Ælfsige.
24 Ælfsige [I].
xxv Aðelwold.
25 Æthelwold [I].
xxvi Ælfheah.
26 Ælfheah [II].
Vuentania aecclesia in duas parrochias diuisa est tempore friðestan, unam tenuit friðestan, et alteram æðelstan, postea oda. Deinde in tres parrochias diuisa est, wiltunensis, et willensis, et cridiensis aecclesiae.
Winchester is then divided into two dioceses in the time of friðestan, one held friðestan and other Æthelstan, then Oda. Then in three parishes divided, Wiltunense and willensis and Cridiensis church.
111r Bishops of Salisbury
Nomina episcoporum Scirebur-
Names of the bishops of
nensis aecclesiae.
Salisbury.
i Eldhelm.
1. Aldhelm.
ii Forðhere.
2. Forthhere.
iii Herewald.
3. Herewald.
iiii Æðelmod.
4. Æthelmod.
v Cenefrið.
5. Denefrith.
vi Sigbriht.
6. Wigberht.
vii Ealhstan.
7. Eahlstan.
viii Heahmund.
8. Heahmund.
ix Æðelheah.
9. Æthelheah.
x Wulfsige.
10. Wulfsige [I].
xi Asser.
xi Asser.
xii Æðelweard.
xii Æthelweard.
xiii Waerstan.
xiii Wærstan.
xiiii Æðelbald.
xiiii Æthelbald.
xv Sigelm.
xv Sigehelm.
xvi Ælfred.
xvi Alfred.
xvii Wulfsige.
xvii Wulfsige [II].
xviii Alfwold.
xviii Ælfwold [I].
xix Æþelsige.
25 xix Æthelsige [I].
112v Bishops of Saint Albans
113r
S Alesbienses
St Albans
Nomina episcoporum uuiltunensis aecclesiae.
Names of the bishops of Saint Albans
i Æðelstan.
i Æðelstan.
ii Oda. iii. Ælrici.
ii Oda. iii. Ælrici.
iii Osolf.
iii Osolf.
iiii Ælfstan.
iiii Ælfstan.
v Wulfgar.
v Wulfgar.
vi Sigericus, dei amicus.
vi Sigericus,
113r Bishops of Wells
Nomina episcoporum uuillensis aecclesiae.
Names of the bishops of Wells
i Aðelm. ii Wulfhelm.
i Athelm. ii Wulfhelm [I].
iii Æiii Ælfheah ii.
iii Alphege ii.
iiii Wulfhelm.
iiii Wulfhelm [II].
v Brihthelm.
v Bryhthelm.
vi Kynewerd.
vi Cyneweard.
vii Sigar.
vii Sigar.
113r Bishops of Exeter
Nomina episcoporum cridiensis aecclesiae.
Names of the bishops of Exeter
i Eadulf.
1 Eadwulf.
ii Æðelgar.
2 Æthelgar.
iii Alfwold.
3 Ælfwold.
iiii Sideman.
4 Sideman.
v Ælfric.
5 Ælfric.
vi Alfwold.
6 Ælfwold.
113v Bishops of Worcester
113v
Nomina episcoporum uuicciorum aecclesiae.
Names of the bishops of Worcester
i Sexwulf.
1 Sexwulf.
ii Bosel.
2 Bosel.
iii Estfor.
3 Estfor.
iiii Ecwine.
4 Ecwine.
v Wilfrið.
5 Wilfrið.
vi Hildred.
6 Hildred.
vii Wærmund.
7 Waermund.
viii Gilhere.
8 Tilhere.
xii Heaðered.
9 Heathured.
113v Bishops of Cheshire
Nomina episcoporum prouinciae merciorum.
Primus in prouincia merciorum et lindisfarorum ac mediterraneorum anglorum i episcopus, Diuma. ii Ceollach. iii Tiii Trumhere. iiii Iaruman. v Cedda. vi Winfrið. vii Seaxwulf. Postea uero in ii.as parrochias diuiditur post seaxwulfum prouincia merciorum, duos episcopos habuit headdan et uuilfridum, postea wilfridus electus et headda prefatus regebat ambas parrochias, deinde eadwine qui et uuor nominabatur. Iterum diuisa est in duas parrochias. i Torhthelm. Leicestrenses. ii Eadberht. iii Enpona. iiii Terenbyrht. v Teðhum. vi Ealdred. vii Ceoldred. viii Hwita. Iterum Cestrenses. ix Cemele. x Cuðfrið. xi Berthun. xii Sigeberht. xiii Aldulwulf. xiiii Herewine. xv Aðelwald. xvi Humberht. xvii Kynefyrð.
114r Bishops of Leicester
114r
114r Bishops of Hereford
Nomina episcoporum herefordensium.
i Putta.
ii Torhelm.
iii Torhthere.
iiii Ealhstod.
v Cuðberht.
vi Dodda.
vii Avii Acca.
viii Ceadda.
ix Aldberht.
x Esne.
114v
xi Ceolmund.
xii Vtel.
xiii Wulfheard.
xiiii Peonna.
xv Adwulf.
( )udulfus, Mucel, Demlef, Kinemund, Edgar, Tidhelm, Wlfhelm, Aluric, Adulfus, Elstanus, Leuegarus, Walterus, Robertus, Girardus, Reinaldus, Gosfridus, Ricardus, Robertus, Gilebertus, Robertus, Robertus, Willelmus.
114v Bishops of Lincoln
Lincolnienses.
Nomina episcoporum lindisfarorum.
i Eadheah.
ii Æðelwine.
iii Eadgar.
iiii Cynebyrht.
v Alowig.
vi Ealdwulf.
ix Byrhtred.
x Leofwine.
xi Ælfnoð.
xii Æscwig. Ælfhelm. Eadnod. Æadricus. Eadnod. Wlfwi. Remigius. Robertus. Alexander. Robertus ii. Walterus. Hugo.
114v Bishops of Norwich
Norwicenses.
Nomina episcoporum orientalium saxonum.
i Felix.
ii Thomas.
iii Beorhtgils.
iiii Bisi.
vii Ceolwulf.
viii Eadwulf.
115r
Postea in duas parrochias diuiditur.
i Eadewine.
ii Roðberht.
iii Haðelac.
iiii Æðelfrið.
v Eanfrið.
vi Aþelwulf.
vii Alhheard.
viii Sviii Sibba.
ix Hunferð.
x Hunberht.
xi Æcce.
xii Æscwulf.
xiii Eadred.
xiiii Guðwine.
xv Alberht.
xvi Ecglaf.
xvii Heardred.
xviii Ælfhun.
xix Widfrið.
xx Wærmund.
xxi Wilred.
xxii Aðulf.
xxiii Ælfric.
xxiiii Ðeodred. Teodredus, Elstanus, Algarus, Elfwinus, Aluricus i. Aluricus ii. Stigandus, Agelmarus, Herfastus, Herebertus.
115r Bishops of North Humber (York)
Eboracenses.
Nomina episcoporum norðan
hymbrorum gentis.
i Primus paulinus, a iusto
archiepiscopo ordinatus. ii Aðan. iii Lines. iiii Colmann. v Iuda. Postea in duas par- rochias diuiditur, ceadda eboracensi aecclesiae ordinatum, wilfrið hagstalden- siae ordinatus. De- positoque wilfriðo a rege ecfriðo, ea- ta pro eo ordine episcopus hagstaldensiae, pro ceaddan bosa eboracensi. Defuncto eatan, iohannes pro eo ordinatur. Post longum uero exilium, wilfrið iterum in episcopatu hagstaldensiae receptus est. Et idem iohanne defuncto, eboraci substitutus.
Nomina episcoporum eboracensis aecclesiae. Names of the bishops of York: i Wilfrið. 1 Wilfrid [I]. ii Ecberht. 2 Ecgbert. iii Coena. 3 Coena. iiii Eanbald. 4 Eanbald. v Wulfsige. 5 Wulfsige. vi Wimund. 6 Wigmund. Ripenses. Ripon
Nomina episcoporum haustal densis aecclesiae. Names of the bishops of i Acca. 1 Acca. ii Friðeberht. 2 Friðeberht. iii Alhmund. 3 Alhmund. iiii Gilberht. 4 Gilberht. v Æðelberht. 5 Æðelberht. vi Heardred. 6 Heardred. vii Eanberht. 7 Eanberht. Dunelmeses Durham
Nomina episcoporum lin- Names of the bishops disfarnensium. of Lindisarn. i Aidan. 1 Aidan. ii Finan. 2 Finan. iii Colman. 3 Colmán. iiii Eata. 4 Eata [of Hexham]. v Cuðberht. 5 Cuthbert. vi Eanberht. 6 Eadberht. vii Eadfrið. 7 Eadfrith. viii Kynewulf. 8 Cynewulf. ix Sigebald. 9 Higbald. x Ecberht. 10 Egbert.
Nomina episcoporum aecclesiae Names of the Bishops of the church quae dicitur casa which is called Casa candi(da). Candida: i Pehthelm. 1 Pehthelm. ii Froðowald. 2 Frithwald. iii Hehtwine. 3 Pehtwine. iiii Æðelberht. 4 Æthelberht [of Whithorn]. v Eadwulf. 5 Beadwulf.
115v
115v Bishops of York
115v Bishops of Ripon
116r Bishops of Durham
116r
116r Bishops of Casa Candida (Galloway, Scotland)
Names of the seven Archangels, 8th century
Names of the seven archangels is a text composed sometime before the 8th century, known by its Latin title Nomina Archangelorum. Transcription and translation of Textus Roffensis f. 116v by Jacob Scott.
This is a copy of the brief Nomina archangelorum, a text probably earlier than the end of the 8th cent., in which seven archangels are listed to whom one should call on during incantations and prayers after changes of circumstance or fortune.
Transcription
116v (select folio number to open facsimile)
hæc sunt nomina septem archangelorum
Michael. Gabrihel. Raphael. Urihel.
Barachiel. Raguhel. Pantasaron.
Translation
Here are the names of the seven archangels:
Michael,
Gabriel,
Raphael,
Uriel,
Barachiel,
Raguel,
Pantasaron1.
Further reading
Paolo Tomea, 2017, Appunti sulla venerazione agli angeli extrabiblici nel Medioevo occidentale. I nomina archangelorum e l’enigmatica fortuna di Pantasaron. Analecta Bollandiana, Volume 135, Issue 1, pp. 27-62. Online here
Footnotes
1 Pantasaron, perhaps of Jewish provenance, who at the moment is not attested in any earlier source than the Nomina (Tomea 2017).
Notes of liturgy added to the Mass, c.1124
Date uncertain. Also see the Popes responsible for introducing new forms of service into the liturgy on folio 116v.
Transcription
117r (select folio number to open facsimile)
Officium missæ instituit Celestinus
papa. Telesforus papa constituit
ut gloria in excelsis deo diceretur. Syxtus
papa addidit, sanctus, sanctus, sanctus.
Translation
The service of Mass instituted by Pope Celestine1.
Pope Telesphorus2 set that we were to say 'Glory to God in the highest'.
Pope Sixtus I3 added 'holy, holy, holy'.
Footnotes
1 Bishop of Rome from 10 September 422 to 1 August 432.
2 The eighth bishop of Rome from c. 126 to c. 137.
3 Also spelled Xystus. The seventh bishop of Rome from c. 115 to 124/126/128.
Popes responsible for new forms of service, c.1124
Notes on Popes responsible for introducing new forms of service into the liturgy, c.1124 AD. Translation of Textus Roffensis 116v by Jacob Scott.
Folio
Transcription
Literal Translation (see Translation Notes)
116v (select folio number to open facsimile)
Clemens alexandrinus, Te igitur clemen-
Clement of Alexandria. Most
tissime pater. Gregorius papa primus,
Merciful Father. Pope Gregory I:
Diesque nostros in tua pace. Alexander papa
Order of your peace. Pope Alexander
primus, Qui pridie quam pateretur. Magnus
I: Who the day before he was to suffer.
leo, Supplices te rogamus omnipotens deus. Grego-
Leo the great: We humbly pray Almighty God.
rius papa secundus, Intra quorum nos con-
Gregory II: Admit us.
sortium. Gregorius papa primus, Preceptis
Pope Gregory I: Commands
salutaribus moniti. Sergius papa, Agnus dei.
thy saving. Pope Sergius: Lamb of God.
Innocentius papa constituit ut pax da-
Pope Innocent set the order that peace
retur.
is given.
Bull of Pope Eugene, 1146
Transcription
206r (select folio number to open facsimile)
P R I U I L E G I U M E V G E N I I PAPE.
Eugenius episcopus seruus seruorum Dei, dilectis filiis brieno pri-
ori ecclesie beati Andree Rofensis, eiusque fratribus tam presenti-
bus quam futuris regularem uitam professis. Inperpetuum.
Ad hoc2 uniuersalis ecclesie cura nobis a prouisore omnium
bonorum Deo commissa est, ut religiosas diligamus personas,
et beneplacentem Deo religionem studeamus modis
omnibus propagare. Neque enim Deo gratus aliquando famu-
latus impenditur, nisi ex karitatis radice procedens,
a puritate religionis fuerit conseruatus. Oportet igitur
omnes Christiane fidei amatores religionem diligere, et loca
( )3 uenerabilia cum ipsis personis diuino seruicio
mancipatis attentius confouere, vt nullis prauorum
hominum inquietentur molestiis, vel inportunis
angariis fatigentur. Quapropter dilecti in Domino
filii uestris iustis postulationibus clementer annui-
mus, et prefatam beati Andree apostoli ecclesiam, in qua
diuino mancipati estis obsequio, sub beati Petri
et nostra protectione suscipimus, et presentis
scripti priuilegio communimus. Statuentes ut
quascunque possessiones, quecunque bona, tam ex
dono et concessione bone memorie Lanfranci, Anselmi,4 Radulfi, Teodbaldi, Cantuariensium
archiepiscoporum, et Gundulfi Rofensis episcopi, Willelmi et Henrici Anglorum regum, quam aliorum Dei fide-
lium, inpresentiarum iuste et canonice possidetis,
aut in futurum concessione pontificum, liberali-
tate regum, largitione principum, oblatione fide-
lium, seu aliis iustis modis prestante Domino poteri-
tis adipisci, firma uobis uestrisque successoribus et illi-
bata permaneant. Concessionem autem uobis
rationabiliter factam ab Ernulfo bone memorie
episcopo uestro de sinodalibus denariis, et scripti eius
pagina confirmatam, ratam esse censemus. Preterea
concordiam que inter uos et uenerabilem fratrem
nostrum Ascelinum episcopum uestrum, per prefatum Teodbaldum Can-
tuariensem archiepiscopum de Lamheđa,5 Cudintu-
na, et quibusdam aliis possessionibus iuste et cano-
nice facta est, ratam et firmam esse decernimus. Preposi-
turam quoque ipsius ciuitatis sicut actenus super homi-
nes uestros et episcopi et prepositure regis quartam partem racio-
nabiliter habuistis, Socam etiam et Sacam, tol et tem,
et infangenetheof, ceteras quoque consuetudines
et libertates uestras racionabiliter hactenus habitas, ni-
chilominus uobis confirmamus. Decernimus ergo ut nulli
omnino hominum liceat prefatum locum temere perturbare,
aut eius possessiones auferre, vel ablatas retinere, mi-
nuere, seu quibuslibet uexationibus fatigare. Sed
omnia integra conseruentur, eorum quorum guberna-
tione et sustentacione concessa sunt, vsibus omni-
modis profutura. Salua sedis apostolice auctoritate, et
diocesanorum episcoporum canonica iusticia et reue-
rentia. Si qua igitur in futurum ecclesiastica secularisue per-
sona huius nostre constitutionis paginam sciens, contra eam
temere uenire temptauerit, secundo tertioue com-
monita, si non reatum suum congrua satisfactione
correxerit, potestatis honorisque sui dignitate ca-
reat, reamque se diuino iudicio existere de perpetrata
iniquitate cognoscat, et a sacratissimo corpore
et sanguine Dei et Domini redemptoris nostri Iesu Christi alie-
na fiat, atque in extremo examine districte ultioni subia-
ceat. Cunctis autem eidem loco sua iura seruantibus, sit
pax domini nostri Iesu Christi. Quatinus et hic fructum bone ac-
tionis percipiant, et apud districtum iudicem premia ęterne
pacis inueniant Amen Amen. Datus transtiberim per manum Rodberti sancte Romane ecclesie pres-
biteri cardinalis et cancellarii v kalendas Martii, indictione viiii.a, Inca[r]nationis dominice anno mcxlv pontificatus uero
domni Eugenii pape iii anno secundo.
+ Ego Eugenius catholice ecclesie episcopus subscripsi.7
+ Ego Conradus8 Sabinensis episcopus subscripsi et,
+ Ego Albericus Hostiensis episcopus subscripsi.
+ Ego Ymarus Tusculanus episcopus subscripsi.
+ Ego Odo diaconus cardinalis sancti Georgii ad Velum Aureum subscripsi.
+ Ego Guido diaconus cardinalis sanctorum Cosme et Damiani, subscripsi.
+ Ego Octauianus diaconus cardinalis sancti Nicolai in Carcere
Tulliano subscripsi.
+ Ego Gregorius diaconus cardinalis sancti Angeli subscripsi.
+ Ego Berardus diaconus cardinalis sancte Romane ecclesie subscripsi.
+ Ego Guido diaconus cardinalis sancte Marie in Porticu subscripsi.
+ Ego Gregorius presbiter cardinalis tituli Calixti subscripsi.
+ Ego Guido presbiter cardinalis tituli sancti Grisogoni subscripsi.
+ Ego Gilbertus indignus sacerdos sancte Romane ecclesie subscripsi.
+ Ego Guido presbiter cardinalis tituli sanctorum Laurentii et Damasi subscripsi.9
+ Ego Bernardus presbiter cardinalis tituli sancti Clementis subscripsi.
+ Ego Iordanus presbiter cardinalis tituli sancte ( )10 Susanne subscripsi.
Papal rota:11
Outer circle:
Inner circle, upper left quadrant:
Inner circle, upper right quadrant:
Lower quadrants:
EVGENIVS PAPA III
Monogram:12
BENE VALETE subscripsi13
Translation
The Privilegium14 of Pope Eugene15
Bishop Eugene, servant of God’s servants, to beloved sons, namely the holy prior of the church of Saint Andrew of Rochester and his brothers, both present and future, professed to the regular life. Eternal blessings.
As is necessary, the care of the universal church was entrusted to us by God, the Overseer of all good men, in order that we may esteem religious persons,16 and may by all means increase the religion pleasing to God.17 And, indeed, not at any time is grateful service being rendered to God unless it is proceeding from the root of charity and has been preserved by the purity of religion. 18 It is right therefore that all friends of the Christian faith esteem religion,19 and diligently care for venerable places along with the very persons surrendered for divine service, so that they are not being disturbed by trouble from any crooked person, or with importunity being wearied by duress. Wherefore, O beloved sons in the Lord, we mercifully nod our assent to your lawful petitions; and the aforementioned church of the blessed apostle Andrew, to whom you are surrendered in divine obedience, we receive under the protection of ourselves and St Peter, and we reinforce the claim of privilege of the present communication.
It is established by means of the gift and grant, from good memory,20 of Lanfranc, Anselm, Ralph, Theobald, archbishops of Canterbury,21 and of bishop Gundulf of Rochester,22 and of William and Henry, kings of the English,23 and of other faithful ones of God, that you will now presently hold whatever possessions and whatever good things both justly and canonically, and will do so also in the future, whether by pontifical grant, the generosity of kings, the largess of leaders, the offerings of the faithful, or by other lawful means furnished by the Lord; and thus you will be able to firmly secure such things for you and your successors, and they shall remain undiminished.
Moreover, we recommend to be ratified the grant of synodal pennies, reasonably made to you, from good memory, by Ernulf your bishop and confirmed by a sheet of his writing.24 In addition, we ratify and validate the mutual agreement between you and our venerable brother Ascelin,25 your bishop, concerning Lambeth and Cuddington,26 along with certain other possessions, an agreement which was made justly and canonically through the aforementioned Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury.27 And likewise, in the same way, through the head of this very community,28 hitherto above your men, we no less to you confirm that you reasonably hold a quarter from the bishop and the king’s reeve,29 including soke and sake,30 toll and team,31 and infangen-theof,32 as well as other customs and liberties of yours reasonably held thus far.
We determine therefore that is it not permitted for anyone at all to recklessly trouble the aforementioned place, or carry off its possessions, or accept what has been stolen from there, or diminish or harass by disturbances of any kind. But everything should be preserved intact for those for whom they were granted, with governance and maintenance, for all beneficial uses. By the reliable authority of the apostolic see, and by the canonical rights and reverence of the diocesan bishops.
If therefore in the future any person, ecclesiastical or secular, knowing this documentation of our decree, is tempted to rashly go against it, despite being warned a second and a third time, he should know that if he will not correct his guilt with suitable penance – should he be devoid of the dignity of power and honour – that he is liable by divine justice to be proved a perpetrator of iniquity, and alienated from the most sacred body and blood of God and of our Lord Redeemer Jesus Christ,33 and moreover subject to severe retribution at the Last Judgement. But may the peace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with all those maintaining his justice at that very place. 34 May they be well served here and now with the fruit of activity, and may they find the reward of eternal peace before the stern judge. Amen. Amen.
Dated across the Tiber by the hand of Robert, cardinal priest and Chancellor of the Holy Roman Church,35 on the fifth day before the kalends of March [25th February], in the ninth year of the indiction [1146],36 [following] the year 1145 of the Lord’s incarnation, in the second year of the papacy of the lord Pope Eugene III.37
I Eugene, bishop of the catholic church,38 assented.
I Corrado, bishop of Sabina,39 assented and
I Alberic, bishop of Ostia,40 assented.
I Imar, bishop of Tusculum,41 assented.
I Odo, cardinal deacon of San Georgio ad Velum Aureum,42 assented.
I Guido, cardinal deacon of Santi Cosma e Damiano,43 assented.
I Octavian, cardinal deacon of San Nicola in Carcere Tulliano,44 assented.
I Gregorio, cardinal deacon of San Angelo,45 assented.
I Berardus, cardinal deacon of the holy Roman Church,46 assented.
I Guido, cardinal deacon of Santa Maria in Portico,47 assented.
I Gregorio, cardinal priest of the titular [church] of [San] Callisto,48 assented.
I Guido, cardinal priest of the titular [church] of San Crisogono, assented.
I Gilberto, unworthy priest of the holy Roman Church, assented.
I Guido, cardinal priest of the titular [church] of Santi Lorenzo e Damasi, assented.
I Bernardo, cardinal priest of the titular [church] of San Clemente, assented.
I Johannes, cardinal priest of the titular [church] of Santa Susanna, assented.
[Papal rota]49
Show me, O Lord, a token for good.50
Saint Peter. Saint Paul. Pope Eugene III.
[Monogram]51
Be of good health.
I assented.
Footnotes
1 See notes 24 and 25, below. This text was added to Textus Roffensis later in the twelfth century by a scribe other than the principal scribe, who completed his work around 1123.
2 ‘Ad hoc…’.
3 Scribal erasure.
4 ‘Anselmi’.
5 Or ‘Lamheða’.
6 Much of the first section of folio 207v is difficult to read due to both water damage and ink from the other side of the folio showing through. I used Colin Flight’s transcript as an aid to reconstructing the text: online here [accessed 13.04.2018].
7 The abbreviation for subscripsi (‘I assented’, literally, ‘I wrote below’), usually referred to as a ‘subscription’, appears at the end of each witness name and title; it looks like a tramlined ‘X’. The cross symbols (+) in the left margin may be taken to represent the crosses written by each individual witness in the original document, which the witness would have placed before his name. The ones in this charter are replicas by the Textus Roffensis scribe.
8 ‘Conradus’, possibly an error for ‘Corradus’. See n. 27, above.
9 Here, the Latin refers to two saints, Lawrence and ‘D’, which I have taken as Damasus. The basilica of San Lorenzo in Damaso is the church in question but it was formerly known as Titulus Damasi, the titular church of Saint Damasus. A useful article on this is online here [accessed 09.05.2018]
10 Scribal erasure.
11 The papal rota appears after the list of witnesses to authenticate the document. It is a cross within two concentric circles. The inner circle is divided into quadrants.
12 The monogram consists of letters of different sizes forming a composition similar to a modern-day logo.
13 The monogram is followed by the subscription abbreviation.
14 A document containing a special right, privilege or prerogative, usually conveyed by a bull, charter or letter.
15 Eugene (Eugenius) III, pope from 15 February 1145 to his death in 1153.
16 ‘religious persons’: the sense, here, is people devoted to a religious order. The pope is alluding to the monks of St Andrew’s priory.
17 ‘religion’: the sense, here, is the spiritual life of those in a religious order, such as the monks of St Andrew’s.
18 Latin ‘conseruatus’, ‘preserved’; if ‘consecratus’ was meant, then ‘sanctified’ would be the meaning, which may seem more apt.
19 Again, the implication for ‘religion’ in the context of this bull is the spiritual life of those in a religious order.
20 The Latin phrase (de) bone memorie, ‘from/of good memory’ is used in legal documents, apparently with the sense of ‘it is well recalled’.
21 Archbishops of Canterbury: Lanfranc, 1070–89; Anselm, 1093–1109; Ralph d’Escures, 1114–22, formerly bishop of Rochester, 1108–14; Theobald of Bec, 1139–61.
22 Gundulf, bishop of Rochester and prior of St Andrew’s Priory, Rochester, 1077–1108.
23 William II (‘Rufus’), r. 1087–1100; Henry I, r. 1100–35.
24 Ernulf, bishop of Rochester and prior of St Andrew’s priory, Rochester, 1114–24. Ernulf’s document is recorded in Textus Roffensis at folio 197r. The money refers to that due from the priests of the parish to the bishop on the occasion of a synod or, as in this particular case, when the priests receive chrism (holy anointing oil). For a translation of Ernulf’s document, see Christopher Monk, ‘Bishop Ernulf grants funds for the building and maintenance of St Andrew’s Priory: Textus Roffensis, f. 197r’: online here.
25 Ascelin, bishop of Rochester, 1142–48.
26 Cuddington was the village appended to the manor of Haddenham, Buckinghamshire, owned by the monks of St Andrew’s priory, Rochester. The ‘mutual agreement’, which in reality saw bishop Ascelin being rebuked by a papal legate, Imar of Tusculum, is recorded in Textus Roffensis, folios 203v–204r, for which see Christopher Monk, ‘Judgment of Imar of Tusculum in favour of the monks of St Andrew’s Priory, Rochester, Textus Roffensis, ff. 203v–204r’: online here [accessed 08.05.2018].
27 Theobald’s confirmation of the grants of Lambeth and Cuddington, along with various other manors, is found in Textus Roffensis, folios 204v–205r.
28 ‘head of this very community’, translating ‘Preposituram […] ipsius ciuitatis’, could conceivably mean ‘reeve of the very city’, but the context suggests the pope is confirming land and privileges through the prior of St Andrew’s.
29 The meaning of ‘quarter’ or ‘fourth part’ (Latin, ‘quartam partem’) is not entirely clear to me, but the allusion must be to land formerly granted by both the bishop and king’s reeve to St Andrew’s priory.
30 Christopher Corèdon and Ann Williams, A Dictionary of Medieval Terms and Phrases (2004): ‘Sake, and sokE. Grants of sake and soke allowed the granter to intercept the fines and other profits of justice relating to his own estate which would otherwise have gone to the king; the rights of sake and soke are particularly associated with bocland’, i.e. ‘bookland’, land granted by the book, by royal charter.
31 A Dictionary of Medieval Terms and Phrases: ‘Toll and team. Term describing wide-ranging rights of a lord. In A[nglo-]S[axon] law, “toll” indicated the lords’ right to take payment, i.e. commission on the sale of cattle or goods within his estate. “Team” indicated the lord’s right to take fines from those accused of stealing cattle; also it indicated the power to oversee the presentation of evidence of the right to sell presented goods. When new town charters were granted, “toll and team” was usually included from the beginning.’
32 An Old English term signifying the legal right to judge and punish a thief who commits the crime within one’s own jurisdiction, and to receive any fines related to the crime of said thief. Compare A Dictionary of Medieval Terms and Phrases: ‘Infangen-theof. The right of a lord to pursue and hang a thief caught in possession of stolen goods, i.e. red handed.’
33 ‘alienated from the most sacred body and blood, etc’: this is the threat of excommunication.
34 That is, at St Andrew’s Priory.
35 Robert Pullen, d. in or after 1146, was an English theologian and the archdeacon of Rochester from before 1134 to c. 1144, when he resigned. He became cardinal priest of San Martino ai Monte in 1144 and was appointed as Chancellor of the Holy Roman Church by Pope Lucius II in 1145. He is often considered one of the founders of Oxford University. A useful entry on Robert Pullen, along with relevant bibliography, is online here [accessed 08.05.2018].
36 The indiction refers to 15-year cycles originally related to the Roman fiscal year. The ninth year of the indiction referred to here is the ninth year from the indiction year of 1137. Indiction years run from September to September, making February 25, 1146 the date the bull was signed. More information on indiction years online here [accessed 30.04.2018].
37 The sense must be following the 1,145th full year of Christ’s incarnation (which falls on the 25 December, 1145), and therefore corresponding to the year 1146, as the bull is dated to 25 February which is said to be in the second year of Eugene’s papacy, which we know began 15 February, 1145.
38 i.e. Pope Eugene III.
39 Corrado Demetri della Suburra, bishop of Sabina from 1127/8; he succeeded Eugene III as pope (1153–54).
40 Albéric of Ostia b. France in 1080, d. 1148, a Benedictine monk and cardinal bishop of Ostia 1138–48.
41 Imar of Tusculum (d. 1161), cardinal-bishop from 1142, and served as papal legate to England during the pontificate of Lucius II, 1144–45.
42 Odo (Odone) Fattiboni, b. Italy, d. 1165, created cardinal deacon in 1130; the church is also known as San Giorgio in Velabro. I have kept the Italian names of the churches throughout.
43 Guido da Vico, b. Italy, d. 1150, created cardinal deacon in 1130.
44 Octavian (Ottaviano) of Monticelli, cardinal deacon 1138–51.
45 Possibly Gregorio Papareschi, b. Italy, created cardinal deacon 1134.
46 Cardinal deacon without title. Very little is known about him. His earliest subscription is for a bull in 1144.
47 Guido de Crema, created cardinal deacon in 1145; later Antipope Paschal III (1164–68).
48 I have not attempted to provide any biographical details for those of the lower rank of cardinal priest. The meaning of ‘titular’ is simply to indicate the church has been assigned to a cardinal priest.
49 See n. 47, below.
50 Based on Psalm 85:17 in the Vulgate.
51 See n. 48, below.
Judgement of Imar of Tusculum, 1146
Transcription
203v (select folio number to open facsimile)
IMARUS Dei gratia Tusculanus episcopus, apostolicę
sedis legatus. Omnibus matris ęcclesię filiis ad
quos litterę istę peruenerint, salutem. Rei gestę
memoria litteris prouide committitur, ne lites
semel sopitę, in futuro iterum Pinstaurentur.roinde uniuersitati uestrę per pręsentia scripta
notum esse uolumus, quod inter Ascelinum Rofensem
episcopum, et eiusdem loci monachos, ęcclesię scilicet beati
Andreę, super iure maneriorum Lamhetham
et Hendenham,2 controuersia huiusmodi
orta est. Asserebant prędicti monachi memo-
rata maneria sibi ad uictum proprium a rege An-
glorum Willelmo3 iuniore, et Lamfranco4 pię
recordationis Cantuariensi archiepiscopo, et
Gundulfo5 Rofensi episcopo concessa rationabi-
liter et donata, et ad eiusdem rei euidentiorem
probationem, eorundem car( )tas6 et confirma-
tiones, et sequentium regum Anglorum Henrici,
et Stephani, et Anselmi Cantuariensis archiepiscopi
in medium proferebant.7 Contra quę cum
pręfatus Ascelinus Rofensis episcopus nichil firmum,
nichil ualidum responderet, nec se in pretaxatis
maneriis ius habere probare posset, assiden-
tibus nobis uenerabilibus fratribus Teobaldo8 Cantuariensi
archiepiscopo, Rodberto Lundoniensi, Henrico Wintoniensi,
Alexandro Linconiensi, Ebrardo Noruuicensi, Si-
fredo Cicestrensi episcopis, Gaufrido Sancti Albani, Ger-
uasio Westmonasterii, Petro Scireburnensi, abbatibus,
et magistro Hilario, et aliis quam pluribus
religiosis personis ipsa maneria cum omnibus
suis appenditiis secundum quod carte donatio-
nis et confirmationis continebant, ipsis
monachis adiudicauimus,9 et ipsos possessores
constituimus ipso eorum episcopo promittente, quod
deinceps sine uexatione et inquietatione,
monachos bona et possessiones suas habere
permitteret, et pacem eis seruaret, quod et ipsi
firmiter obseruare precipimus, ad cuius rei ar-
gumentum ipsos monachos in osculo pacis
recepit. Nos itaque prędictorum fratrum iustis
petitionibus facilem prębentes assensum,
tam sepedicta maneria quam alia omnia
eorum bona et possessiones quas in pręsentia-
rum iuste possident, uel in futuro legitime
habituri sunt, iura etiam, consuetudines,
libertates rationabiliter indultas, auctoritate
officii quo fungimur ipsis confirmamus, et
pręsentis scripti attestatione roboramus.
Translation
Imar, bishop of Tusculum, by the grace of God, legate of the apostolic see.10 To all the sons of the mother church to whom this letter shall have come, greetings. The memory of a former matter is providently committed to a letter: quarrels not finally laid to rest may yet be renewed in the future.11
Hence, we wish to be known to you all through this present communication, because a dispute of this sort has arisen between Ascelin, bishop of Rochester,12 and the monks of that same place, namely the church of St Andrew, over the right of the manors of Lambeth and Haddenham. The aforesaid monks have claimed the above-mentioned manors for themselves for their own living by [grant of] William the younger,13 king of the English, and on record by Lanfranc, pious archbishop at Canterbury,14 and granted and bestowed in accordance with reason by Gundulf, bishop at Rochester.15 And for the proof of this very thing they have brought forward to the mediator the charters and confirmations of these same ones, as well as the supporting [documentation] of Henry and Stephen, kings of the English,16 and of Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury.17 Whereas, against this, the aforementioned Ascelin, bishop of Rochester, has responded with nothing of substance, nothing of validity; nor has he been able to prove his right to the previously assigned manors to our venerable brothers sitting in council: Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury;18 Robert of London;19 Henry of Winchester;20 Alexander of Lincoln;21 Everard of Norwich;22 Seffred, bishop of Chichester;23 the abbots, Geoffrey of St Albans,24 Gervase of Westminster, 25 Peter of Sherborne;26 and Hilary the master;27 and to as many other religious persons. The very manors, with all their associated appurtenances, which the charters of gift and confirmation were securing, we awarded to the very monks, and constituted them owners with the assurance of their bishop, who hereafter, without vexation and disturbance, might both permit the good monks to have their properties and preserve peace towards them – which we give orders to him to observe steadfastly. And as evidence of this he received the very monks with the kiss of peace. Therefore, with such just petitions of the aforementioned brothers, we give our easy assent to both those oft-spoken manors and all other goods and possessions, which in the present time they rightly possess, or in the future will legitimately hold, whether rights, customs, or freedoms reasonably granted. We confirm these very things by the authority of the office which I discharge and reinforce the present written testimony.
Footnotes
1 This document was copied by a later scribe; the principal scribe of Textus Roffensis completed his work about 1123. The original charter dates to the period of Imar of Tusculum’s service as papal legate. See n. 2, below.
2 ‘Lamhetham et Hendenham’ (‘Lambeth and Haddenham’), underlined for emphasis by a later scribe, who has also drawn the symbol } in the right margin to draw attention to the lines where he has made further underlines, for which see the notes below.
3 ‘ad uictum proprium a rege […] Willelmo’ (‘for their own living by king […] William’), underlined by a later scribe.
4 ‘Lamframco’ (‘Lanfranc’), underlined by a later scribe.
5 ‘Gundulfo’ (‘Gundulf’), underlined by a later scribe.
6 A letter has been erased to give the correct spelling of ‘cartas’.
7 A partially legible Latin annotation appears in the left margin at this point, written in a non-medieval hand, and in the form of a question. It is possible to decipher ‘pro Lambeth’ (‘for Lambeth’) on the upper line; and the last word looks like ‘pensionis’ (genitive form of pension, ‘payment’).
8 ‘Teobaldo’ (‘Theobald’), underlined by a later scribe.
9 ‘ipsis monachis adiudicauimus’ (‘we awarded to the very monks’), underlined by a later scribe.
10 Imar of Tusculum (d. 1161), cardinal-bishop from 1142, and served as papal legate to England during the pontificate of Lucius II, 1144–45.
11 This rather enigmatic statement alludes to the ongoing nature of the disagreement over the ownership of certain manors between the monks of St Andrew’s and their bishops; it is outlined in what follows. Though the charter does not say so, the disagreement originally began in the time of bishop John II, 1139–42; see Mary P. Richards, ‘Texts and their traditions in the medieval library of Rochester Cathedral Priory’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 78.3 (1988), pp. 1–129, at p. 59.
12 Ascelin, bishop of Rochester, 1142–48. Unlike some of the earlier bishops of Rochester, Ascelin was not a monk and so was not also the prior at St Andrew’s.
13 William II (‘Rufus’), r. 1087–1100.
14 Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, 1070–89.
15 Gundulf, bishop of Rochester and prior of St Andrew’s Priory, 1077–1108.
16 Henry I, r. 1100–35; Stephen, r. 1135–54.
17 Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, 1093–1109.
18 Theobald of Bec, archbishop of Canterbury, 1139–61.
19 Robert, bishop of London, 1141–50.
20 Henry of Winchester, also known as Henry of Blois, younger brother of King Stephen, and bishop of Winchester, 1129–71.
21 Alexander, bishop of Lincoln, 1123–48.
22 Everard, bishop of Norwich, 1121–45.
23 Seffred I, bishop of Chichester, 1125–45.
24 Geoffrey, abbot of St Albans Abbey, 1119–46.
25 Gervase of Blois, illegitimate son of King Stephen, abbot of Westminster Abbey, 1138–57.
26 Peter, abbot of Sherborne Abbey, c. 1142–c.1160.
27 Probably Hilary of Chichester (c. 1110–69), who served as clerk for Henry of Blois, see n. 12, above; he was educated as a canon lawyer, hence the use of ‘master’, i.e. a scholar, and was appointed as bishop of Chichester in 1147.
Dispute over the estate at Snodland, 995-1005
The dispute between bishop Godwine and Leofwine over the estate of Snodland, 995–10051. Textus Roffensis, ff. 155r–156v. Translated from Old English by Dr Christopher Monk.
Transcription
155r (select folio number to open facsimile)
xP2Her cyð on ðysum gewrite, hu Godwine biscop
on Hrofeceastre, ⁊ Leofwine Ælfeages
sunu ( )3 wurðon gesybsumode ymbe þæt land
æt Snoddinglande, on Cantwarabyrig.
Þa4 ða se biscop Godwine com to ðam biscopstole
þurh hæse his cynehlafordes Æðelredes cynges
æfter Ælfstanes forðsiþe biscopes, þa gemetæ he on
ðam mynstre þa ylcan swutelunga þe his fore-
genga hæfde, ⁊ þærmid on þæt land spæc, ongan
ða to specenne on ðæt land, ⁊ elles for Godes
ege ne dorste, oððæt seo spræc wearð þam
cynge cuð. Þa ða him seo talu cuð wæs, þa sende
he gewrit ⁊ his insegl5 to þam arcebisceope Æl-
frice, ⁊ bead him þæt he ⁊ hys þegenas on East6
Cent, ⁊ on West Cent,7 hy onriht gesemdon,
be ontale, ⁊ be oftale. Þa þæt wæs þæt se bisceop Godwi-
ne com to Cantwarabyrig to ðam arcebiscope, þa
com ðider se scyresman8 Leofric, ⁊ mid him Ælfun
abbod, ⁊ þegenas ægþer ge of9 East Cent ge of
West Cent,10 eal seo duguð, ⁊ hy ðær þa spæce swa
lange handledon, syððon se bisceop his swute-
lunge ge(e)owod hæfde, oþ hy ealle bædon þone
biscop eaðmodlice, þæt he geunnan scolde þæt he
moste mid bletsunga þæs landes brucan æt
Snoddinglande his dæg, ⁊ se biscop þa þæs
getiðode on ealra þæra witena ( )11 þanc
þe þær gesomnode wæran, ⁊ he ( ) behet
þæs truwan þæt land æfter his dæge unbesacen
eode eft into þære stowe þe hit ut alæned
wæs, ⁊ ageaf þa swutelunga þe he to þam lande
hæfde þe ær of þære stowe geutod wæs, ⁊ þa ha-
gan ealle þe he bewestan þære cyrcan hæfde
into þære halgan stowe, ⁊ þises loces æren-
dracan wæran, Ælfun abbod ⁊ Wulfric abbod,
⁊ Leofric sciresman, ⁊ Siweard, ⁊ Wulfstan æt
Sealtwuda, ⁊ Ælfelm Ordelmes sunu. Þonne
is her seo gewitnes þe æt þisum loce wæs, þæt is
ærest se arcebiscop Ælfric, ⁊ se biscop God-
uuine, ⁊ Wulfric abbod, ⁊ Ælfun abbod, ⁊ Ælfnoð
æt Orpedingtune, ⁊ se hired æt Cristes Cyr-
can, ⁊ se hired æt Sancte Augustine, ⁊ s[e]o burh-
waru on Cantwarebyrig, ⁊ Leofric sciresman,
⁊ Lifing æt Meallingan, ⁊ Siweard, ⁊ Sired his
broðor, ⁊ Leo[f]stan12 æt Mærseham, ⁊ Godwine
Wulfeages sunu, ⁊ Wul[f]stan13 æt Sealtwuda, ⁊
Wul[f]stan14 iunga, ⁊ Leo[f]wine15 æt Dictune, ⁊ Leo-
fric Ealdredes sunu, ⁊ Goda Wulfsiges sunu,
⁊ Ælfelm Ordelmes sunu, ⁊ Sidewine æt Peal-
leswyrðe, ⁊ Wærelm, ⁊ Æþelred portgerefa
on byrig,16 ⁊ Guðwold. Gif hwa þis ðence to awen-
denne, ⁊ þas foreword to abrecenne, awende
him God fram his ansyne on þam miclan dome,
swa þæt he si ascyred fram heofena rices myrhðe,
156v
⁊ sy eallum deoflum betæht into helle. AMEN.
Translation
It is made known here in this document how Godwine,17 Bishop of Rochester, and Leofwine, son of Ælfheah, became reconciled at Canterbury in regard to the land at Snodland.18
When bishop Godwine came to the episcopal see at the behest of his sovereign lord, King Æthelred,19 after the death of bishop Ælfstan,20 then he discovered in the cathedral the very same written testimony which his predecessor had,21 and who had therewith made a claim on that land.22 Then [Godwine] attempted to lay claim to that land – for the fear of God he durst not do otherwise – until the suit became known to the king. When the claim was known to him, then [the king] sent a letter and his seal to the archbishop, Ælfric, and commanded him that he and his thegns, in both East and West Kent, should settle matters justly, be the verdict for or against the claim.
Then it was that bishop Godwine came to Canterbury to the archbishop; then thither came Leofric the sheriff,23 and with him abbot Ælfun and the thegns of both East and West Kent, the entire body of noblemen. And there they deliberated over the claim, after the bishop had revealed his written testimony, until finally they all respectfully bade the bishop that he should grant that [Leofwine] might, with his blessing, have use of the land at Snodland during his lifetime. And the bishop then permitted this to the satisfaction of all the witan, which was gathered there.24 And [Leofwine] pledged his troth that after his lifetime the land should thereafter revert to the place from which it was leased out.25 And he gave up the written testimony he had related to the land, which previously had been alienated from that place,26 and all the hagas which he had west of the church to the holy place.27 And the mediators of this agreement were abbot Ælfun, abbot Wulfric, sheriff Leofric, Siweard, Wulfstan of Saltwood, and Ælfhelm son of Ordhelm.28 And here is the list of witnesses to this agreement: namely, first, the archbishop Ælfric,29 then the bishop Godwine, abbot Wulfric, abbot Ælfun, Ælfnoth of Orpington, the brethren at Christ Church,30 the brethren at St Augustine’s,31 the citizens of Canterbury, sheriff Leofric, Lifing of Malling, Siweard and Sired his brother, Leofstan of Mersham,32 Godwine son of Wulfheah,33 Wulfstan of Saltwood,34 Wulfstan the Young,35 Leofwine of Ditton,36 Leofric son of Ealdred, Goda son of Wulfsige, Ælfhelm son of Ordhelm, Sidewine of Paddlesworth, Wærhelm,37 Æthelred the town port-reeve,38 and Guthwold.
If anyone attempts to turn from or break these terms, God will turn his face from him at the great judgement, so that he be cut off from the joy of the kingdom of heaven and be handed over to all the devils in Hell. Amen.
Footnotes
1 The date range corresponds to the reign of the first witness listed in the document: Ælfric, archbishop of Canterbury; see online here [accessed 15.03.18]. See also A. Campbell, Charters of Rochester (Oxford University Press, 1973), p. xxvii. The original document was copied into Textus Roffensis by the principal scribe about 1123.
2 A Chi-Rho symbol marks the beginning of the text. I’ve represented it with the Greek letters separated.
3 There is a hole in the manuscript at this point.
4 ‘Þa…’
5 ‘insegl’ (‘seal’), underlined by a later hand.
6 ‘on East’ (‘in East’), underlined by a later hand.
7 ‘on West Cent’ (‘in West Kent’), underlined by a later hand.
8 ‘scyresman’ (‘sheriff’), underlined by a later hand.
9 ‘oft’ in the document.
10 ‘East Cent ge of West Cent’ (‘East Kent and of West Kent’), underlined by a later hand.
11 There is a hole in the manuscript at this point, also affecting the line below.
12 ‘f’ omitted by mistake.
13 ‘f’ omitted by mistake.
14 ‘f’ omitted by mistake.
15 ‘s’ for ‘f’ by mistake.
16 ‘⁊ Æþelred portgerefa on byrig’ (‘and Æthelred the port-reeve in the town’), underlined by a later hand.
17 Godwine, bishop of Rochester, r. 994/5–c.1013.
18 Snodland lies along the river Medway between Rochester and Maidstone.
19 King Æthelred (Ethelred) the ‘Unready’, r. 978–1016.
20 Ælfstan, bishop of Rochester, r. before 964–994/5.
21 ‘written testimony’, translating swutelunga, a rather vague term, most likely alluding to the written land grant, i.e. the charter, or land-book, for Snodland.
22 i.e. Snodland.
23 Sheriff of Kent, presumably.
24 Witan, ‘wise men’, the king’s council in Anglo-Saxon England.
25 That is, to Rochester Cathedral.
26 This seems to be alluding to the land being alienated from Rochester Cathedral.
27 Haga, either a plot of land or a piece of enclosed land (possibly with a house and other buildings) within a town; in this case the land was within the city walls of Rochester. It seems that Leofwine gave up land he owned near the cathedral in exchange for the estate in Snodland.
28 Spelt ‘Ælfelm’ and ‘Ordelm’ in the document. The ‘-helm’ element of Old English names signifies ‘protector’.
29 Ælfric of Abingdon, archbishop of Canterbury 995–1005.
30 Christ Church, the monastery at Canterbury Cathedral.
31 St Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury.
32 Misspelt as ‘Leostan’ in the document. The ‘Leof-’ element in Old English names means ‘friend’ or ‘beloved’.
33 Spelt ‘Wulfeag’ in the document.
34 Misspelt as ‘Wulstan’ in the document. The Wulf- element in Old English names means ‘wolf’.
35 Misspelt as ‘Wulstan’ in the document. See n. 19 above.
36 Misspelt as ‘Leoswine’ in the document. See n. 17 above.
37 Spelt ‘Wærelm’ in the document. See n. 13 above.
38 Reeve of Canterbury.
William I gives 100 pounds to Rochester Cathedral
William I gives one hundred pounds, shortly before his death, to the church of St Andrew, Rochester, c.10871.Textus Roffensis, ff. 210r–210v. Translated from Latin by Dr Christopher Monk.
Transcription
210r (select folio number to open facsimile)
Donum Willelmi magni regis. Willelmus2 rex Anglorum magnus, pater Uuil-
lelmi regis eiusdem gentis, Hrofensem
ęcclesiam beati Andreę in tantum dilexit,
ut imminente articulo mortis suę centum
ei libras donaret, regiam quoque tunicam, propriumque
cornu eburneum, dorsale etiam unum, cum feretro
deargentato dimitteret. Pro quo et aliis eius
multis beneficiis, nostrę ęcclesię ab eo benigne
impensis, eius anniuersarium constituimus
debere singulis annis festiue fieri.
Translation
The gift of the great King William3
William, great king of the English, father of William,4 king of the same people, esteemed so much the Rochester church of Saint Andrew that he gave to it, at the moment of his imminent death, one hundred pounds, besides bequeathing a royal tunic, a special ivory horn, and also one dossal with a silver-gilded frame.5 For this, and for his many other privileges benevolently bestowed upon our church, we established a festal anniversary to take place every year.6
Footnotes
1 This document was likely copied from an earlier original by the principal scribe of Textus Roffensis around 1123.
2 ‘Willelmus…’
3 William I (‘the Conqueror’), r. 1066–87, died 9th September 1087.
4 William II (‘Rufus’), r. 1087–1100.
5 Dossal, an altar piece, or hanging, often of cloth, placed so as to rise from the back of the church altar.
6 Presumably, the anniversary of his death.
Account of Gilbert the Priest entering the monastic life, c.1091-1110
The account of Gilbert entering the monastic life and bishop Gundulf’s subsequent dealings with his relatives over land, c.1091–c.11001. Textus Roffensis, ff. 213v–214v2. Translated from Latin and edited by Dr Christopher Monk.
Transcription
213v (select folio number to open facsimile)
De
Postea3 uero non multo tempore Eastuna.
contigit ipsum Gislebertum mutasse habitum et uitam secularem
in uitam et habitum monachi apud Rofecestram. Iisdem
diebus remansit manerium Estuna quod situm est in
comitatu de Gloecestra, in manu praefati Radulfi filii
Gisleberti, et Osmundi generis Gisleberti. Qui ambo
regiis exactionibus tantum fuerunt grauati, ut uix
amplius hoc possent pati. Erant enim illis di-
ebus consuetudines regis grauissimę atque du-
rissimę, per totum regnum Anglię. Itaque uenien-
tes pariter uterque ad domnum episcopum Gundul-
fum, rogauerunt illum quatinus propter Deum et
honorem suum manerium ipsum a rege requireret.
Quod si obtinere posset, de illo ulterius mane-
rium ipsum tenerent. Quo audito episcopus, quam ci-
tius potuit regem impigre adiit. Amicorum itaque
apud regem usus auxilio, tandem obtinuit
quod petiit. Dedit ergo episcopus Willelmo regi magni
( ) regis Willelmi filio xv libras denariorum, et
unam mulam quę bene ualebat centum solidos.
Isto tali ordine obtinuit Gundulfus episcopus praedi-
ctum manerium Estunam. Quod postquam ita
factum est, statim Radulfus et Osmundus deue-
nerunt homines episcopi, et ita tenuerunt ipsum
manerium de episcopo. Veruntamen non multo tempore
post iterum pariter requisierunt episcopum, rogan-
tes illum ut propter Deum illas quattuor hidas terrę
de Estuna, cambiret illis pro duabus hidis terrę
infra Hed>en
terant amplius et malas consuetudines praedi-
dicti comitatus, et uiam longinquam ab Hed>en<-
ham et laborem magnum quem propterea sepissime
sustinebant. Accepto ergo consilio episcopus, fecit
illis partim iuxta peticionem eorum, sed non
in omnibus. Dedit nanque Radulfo unam hidam
terrę, Osmundo uero non nisi dimidiam. Debebat
enim Osmundus episcopo quinquaginta solidos
denariorum pro multis placitis quę super eum
episcopus habuerat, et quia episcopus clamauit Os-
mundum quietum de ipsis quinquaginta soli-
dis et querelis multis, ideo econtra non rece-
pit ab episcopo nisi dimidiam hidam terrę. Et isto
modo habuit ipse episcopus ipsum praedictum ma-
nerium, ita liberum et quietum ab omni calumnia,
sicut Goda comitissa illud habuit unquam
melius in suo dominico tempore regis Eaduuar-
di. Dum hoc ita fuit, precepit episcopus domno Willelmo
monacho Rofensi praeposito de Hed>en
ram accipere eiusdem manerii, et monachis
ęcclesię Sancti Andreę singulis annis firmam
octo dierum inde reddere. Et quidem iuste,
quoniam terrae illae quę datę fuerunt pro ipsius
manerii cambitione fuerant primum de He-
d>en
ipsorum monachorum.
Translation
Concerning Aston:5
Afterwards, indeed, it soon happened that Gilbert himself exchanged the secular condition and mode of life for the monastic condition and mode of life at Rochester. During this time the manor of Aston, which is situated in the county of Gloucester, remained in the hands of the aforementioned Ralf, Gilbert’s son, and Gilbert’s relative Osmund, both of whom were so greatly burdened by payments to the king that they should scarcely have been able to endure such any longer.6 Moreover, at this time, the heaviest and harshest customs of the king were [levied] throughout the entire kingdom of England.7 Consequently, on both coming together before the lord bishop Gundulf,8 they asked, on account of God and his honour, to what extent he was seeking this very manor from the king, and if it were possible to obtain from him at some future stage this manor they were holding.9 Upon hearing this the bishop, as soon as he could, went promptly to the king. Therefore, having made use of the assistance of friends near the king, he finally obtained that for which he had petitioned. And so the bishop gave to King William,10 son of great King William,11 fifteen pounds of silver and one mule, which was rightly valued at one hundred shillings.
By such means bishop Gundulf obtained Aston, the aforementioned manor. And immediately after that happened, Ralf and Osmund came to the men of the bishop and immediately took possession of this very manor from the bishop.12 Nevertheless, not long after, both sought out the bishop a second time, asking him if, on account of God, he would exchange with them those four hides of land of Aston for two hides of land below Haddenham. No longer indeed in any respect whatsoever were they able to endure, neither the bad customs of the aforementioned county nor the extensive labour needed for the long road from Haddenham, which they were most frequently having to support. Therefore, having accepted counsel, the bishop acted for them according to their petition, but in part, not in all things, insomuch as he gave to Ralf one hide of land and, indeed, to Osmund no more than a half. For Osmund was yet indebted to the bishop for fifty shillings of tithings due to the many pleas that the bishop had made against him, and despite the fact that the bishop had peacefully called on Osmund concerning those fifty shilling and with many a lament; therefore, on account of this, he did not receive from the bishop anything except the half a hide of land. And so in that manner the bishop himself held that aforementioned manor, that is, with freedom and peace from dispute, just as the Countess Goda13 rightly held it in demesne at the time of King Edward.14 For as long as this was so, the bishop gave orders to master William, a monk of Rochester, steward of Haddenham, to accept the responsibility for this manor also,15 and from there every year to render eight days of food rent to the monks of the church of Saint Andrew.16 And this is just, because those lands given which were exchanged for this manor were in the first place from Haddenham, which was and is entirely for the living of these very monks.
Footnotes
1 This is an account of events that took place sometime after the levying of high taxes by William II (‘Rufus’) in 1091 and the king’s death in 1100. It was likely copied from an original document into Textus Roffensis by the main scribe around 1123, though the first part of it was re-written by a later twelfth-century scribe as part of a replacement folio (f. 123).
2 This document follows on from ‘Bishop Gundulf confirms a grant by Gilbert the priest of three hides of land at Haddenham in exchange for Gilbert entering the monastic life, Textus Roffensis, ff. 213r–213v’, which is also available here.
3 There is a green ‘gallows-pole’ (or the Greek capital letter gamma), now faded, placed to the left of the red display letter ‘P’. This symbol is often used in Textus Roffensis to mark the beginning of a new document.
4 Hedenham (Haddenham): a later scribe has altered the spelling from Hedreham. This is repeated several times further on in the document. Hedenham is the spelling used in the previous document which appears on the replacement folio (f. 213), written in a later hand, whereas Hedreham is the spelling in Domesday Book (1086): available here [accessed 06.03.18].
5 Corresponding to present-day Aston Subedge in Gloucestershire.
6 Ralf and Osmund were evidently tenant owners of the king’s manor at Aston.
7 Customs: in this context, customary payments, i.e. taxes, to the crown.
8 Gundulf, bishop of Rochester, 1077–1108.
9 That is, Ralf and Osmund asked Gundulf if he would buy the estate at Aston from the king so that they would have a kinder lord in the bishop.
10 William II (‘Rufus’), r. 1087–1100.
11 William I (‘the Conqueror’), r. 1066–87.
12 That is, Ralf and Osmund became tenants of Aston with Gundulf as the new lord of the manor.
13 Goda, also known by her Old English name, Godgifu (‘gift of God’), was the daughter of King Æthelred the Unready (r. 978–1016) and his queen, Emma of Normandy (d. 1052), and thus the sister of Edward the Confessor (r. 1042–66). She is likely the same Goda whose illuminated gospel book ended up in the medieval library of Rochester Cathedral. This gospel book has recently been digitised: available here [accessed 05.03.18]. Countess Goda is recorded in Domesday Book as the owner (i.e. the lord) of Aston in 1066: available here [accessed 05.03.18].
14 ‘in demesne’, translating in dominico. ‘Demesne. […] land held for the lord’s own use rather than let or leased’: A Dictionary of Medieval Terms and Phrases, ed. Christopher Corèdon with Ann Williams (D. S. Brewer, 2005). Dominicus, Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources, ‘3c. demesne, land held for lord’s use’: available here [accessed 06.03.18].
15 i.e. Aston.
16 The Rochester Cathedral priory at which bishop Gundulf was prior.
Dispute between Bishop Gundulf and Pichot, Sheriff of Cambridge, a.1087
The dispute between bishop Gundulf and Pichot, sheriff of Cambridge, after 10871. Textus Roffensis, ff. 175r–176v. Translated and edited by Dr Christopher Monk.
Transcription
175r (select folio number to open facsimile)
De
contentione inter Gundulfum et Pichot:
Tempore2 Uuillelmi regis Anglorum magni, pa-
tris Uuillelmi regis eiusdem gentis, fuit
quędam contentio inter Gundulfum Hrofensem
episcopum et Pichot uicecomitem de Grendebruge,
pro quadam terra quę erat de Frachenham et ia-
cebat in Giselham, quam quidam regis seruiens
Olchete nomine, uicecomite dante praesumpse-
rat occupare. Hanc enim uicecomes regis
esse terram dicebat, sed episcopus eandem beati Andreę
potius esse affirmabat. Qua re, ante regem ue-
nerunt. Rex uero pręcepit ut omnes illius co-
mitatus homines congregarentur, et eorum iudi-
cio cuius terra deberet rectius esse probaretur. Illi autem congregati, terram illam regis esse po-
tius quam beati Andreę, timore uicecomitis af-
firmauerunt. Sed cum eis Baiocensis episcopus qui
placito illi praeerat non bene crederet, praecepit
ut si uerum esse quod dicebant scirent, ex se ipsis
duodecim eligerent, qui quod omnes dixerant
iureiurando confirmarent. Illi autem cum ad
consilium secessissent, et inibi a uicecomite per in-
ternuntium conterriti fuissent, reuertentes
uerum esse quod dixerant iurauerunt. Hi
autem fuerunt, Eaduuardus de Cipenham,
Heruldus et Leofuuine saca de Exninge, Eadric
de Giselham, Wfuuine de Landuuade, Ordmer
de Berlingeham, et alii sex de melioribus comi-
tatus. Quo facto, terra in manu regis reman-
sit. Eodem uero anno monachus quidam GRIM
nomine quasi a domino missus ad episcopum uenit. Qui cum audiret hoc quod illi iurauerant,
nimium admirans et eos detestans omnes esse
periuros affirmauit. Ipse enim monachus diu
prepositus de Frachenham extiterat, et ex eadem
terra seruitia et costumas ut de aliis terris
de Frachenham susceperat, et unum ex eisdem qui
iurauerant in eodem manerio sub se habuerat. Quod postquam episcopus Hrofensis audiuit, ad episcopum
Baiocensem uenit, et monachi uerba per ordi-
nem narrauit. Quę ut episcopus audiuit, mona-
chum ad se uenire fecit, et ab ipso illa eadem
didicit. Post hęc uero unum ex illis qui iuraue-
rant ad se fecit uenire, qui statim ad eius
pedes procidens confessus est se periurum esse. Hinc autem cum illum qui prius iurauerat
ad se uenire fecisset, requisitus se periurum esse
similiter confessus est. Denique mandauit
uicecomiti ut reliquos obuiam sibi Londoniam
mitteret, et alios duodecim de melioribus eiusdem
comitatus, qui quod illi iurauerant, uerum esse
confirmauerant. Illuc quoque fecit uenire
multos ex melioribus totius Anglię baronibus. Quibus omnibus Londonię congregatis, iudicatum est
tam a Francis quam ab Anglis illos omnes periuros
esse, quandoquidem ille post quem alii iurauerant,
se periurum esse fatebatur. Quibus tali iudicio
condemnatis, episcopus Hrofensis terram suam ut
iustum erat habuit. Alii autem duodecim
cum uellent affirmare iis qui iurauerant
se non consensisse, Baiocensis episcopus dixit, ut hoc
ipsum iudicio ferri probarent. Quod quia se fa-
cturos promiserunt, et facere non potuerunt,
cum alii sui comitatus hominibus trecentas libras
regi dederunt.
Translation
The dispute between Gundulf and Pichot:
In the time of William, the great king of the English,3 father of King William of the same people,4 there was a certain dispute between Gundulf, bishop of Rochester,5 and Pichot,6 the sheriff of Cambridge, about certain land which belonged to Freckenham and which was situated in Gisleham,7 which a certain servant of the king, named Olchete, had presumed to occupy by grant of the sheriff. For the sheriff said this land was the king’s but the bishop affirmed that, rather, this very land was St Andrew’s.8 Therefore, they came before the king. And, indeed, the king ordered that all the men of that county be assembled and by their judgements it should be agreed to whom the land rightfully belonged.
However, those assembled affirmed, out of fear of the sheriff, that the land belonged to the king rather than to St Andrew. But when the bishop of Bayeux,9 who was presiding over that assembly, did not entirely believe them, he ordered that if they knew what they said to be true, then they should choose twelve from among themselves who should confirm with an oath what they had all said. Once, however, these ones withdrew to deliberate, and were there intimidated by the sheriff, via his intermediary, they swore on returning that what they had said was indeed true. These men were Edward of Chippenham; Harold and Leofwine, sake-holders of Exiling;10 Eadric of Gisleham; Wulfwine of Landwade; Ordmer of Berlingham; and six others from among the nobles of the county. That done, the land remained in the hand of the king.
In the same year, however, a certain monk named Grim, as if sent by the Lord, came to the bishop. When he heard what they had sworn by oath, greatly astonished and cursing, he affirmed them all to be perjured. For the monk himself had long since been steward of Freckenham, and out of that same land had received services and customs, as from all the other lands of Freckenham, and had had under him in that estate one from among those who had sworn the oath.
After the bishop of Rochester heard this, he came to the bishop of Bayeux and recounted the monk’s words. When the bishop heard this, he made the monk come to him, and he learned the same thing from him. Indeed, after this, he made one from among those who swore the oath come to him, who, immediately placing himself at [the bishop’s] feet, confessed to have perjured himself.
When, moreover, he made the one who first swore the oath come to him, he too, on being asked, confessed to have perjured himself. Finally, he ordered the sheriff to send the rest to meet him at London, as well as another twelve of the nobles of that county who had confirmed to be true what the others swore. And there also he made to come many from among the noble barons of all England.
When everyone had been gathered at London, it was judged, equally by the French as by the English, that all these ones were perjured, in that their swearing had followed that of the one who had admitted to perjuring himself. These ones having now been condemned by such justice, the bishop of Rochester thus had his land, as is just. But since the other twelve then wished to affirm that they themselves had not consented to that which the others swore on oath, the bishop of Bayeux said that they would have to prove this by the judgment of [hot] iron. Because they themselves promised to do this, but were unable to do so, they then, with the other men of their county, paid thirty pounds to the king.
Footnotes
1 This account was evidently originally written down sometime after William II took the throne in 1087, as he is referred to in the opening sentence. This was then later copied into Textus Roffensis by the main scribe around 1123. The events referred to took place sometime between the commencement of Gundulf’s bishopric in 1077 and the fall from grace and imprisonment of Odo, bishop of Bayeux, in 1082.
2 Tempore…
3 William I, ‘the Conqueror’, r. 1066–87.
4 William II, ‘Rufus’, r. 1087–1100.
5 Bishop Gundulf, r. 1077–1108.
6 Sometimes known as Picot.
7 Both in modern-day Suffolk.
8 That is, it belonged to the priory of Rochester Cathedral. Gundulf was not only bishop of Rochester but also prior of the monastery.
9 Odo, William I’s half-brother, and also earl of Kent, d. 1097.
10 ‘sake-holders’, translating saca, and likely indicating they were holders of certain land rights (‘sake and soke’); see saca, Dcitionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources: available here [accessed 06.03.18].
History of the estates of Bromley and Fawkham, 980-987
History of the estates of Bromley and Fawkham, Kent, in the time of King Eadgar1 and immediately afterwards,2 980–9873. Textus Roffensis, ff. 162v–163v. Translated from Old English and edited by Dr Christopher Monk.
Transcription
162v (select folio number to open facsimile)
De Falchehan, ⁊ Bromleage.4
þus wæron ða land,5 æt Bromleage ⁊ æt
Fealcnaham, þam cinge Eadgare gereht,
on Lundenbyrig, ðurh Snodinglandes land-
bec. ða þa preostas forstælon þam biscope on
Hrofesceastre, ⁊ gesealdan heo Ælfrice Æsc-
wynne sunu, wið feo dearnunga, ⁊ heo Æscwyn
Ælfrices modor sealde heo ær ðider in, ða
geacsode se biscop þæt ða becc forstolene wæron,
bæd þara boca ða geornlice, under ðam þa ge-
watt Ælfric, ⁊ he bæd ða lafe syððan, oð man
gerehte on cinges ðeningmanna gemote ðære
stowe ⁊ ðam biscope ða forstolenan becc Snodig-
landes, ⁊ bote æt ðære ðyfðe, þæt wæs on Lun-
dene, þær wæs se cing Eadgar, ⁊ se arcebiscop
Dunstan, ⁊ Aðelwold biscop, ⁊ Ælfstan biscop,
⁊ oðer Ælfstan, ⁊ Ælfere ealdorman, ⁊ fela
cynges witena, ⁊ man agæf ða into ðære
stowe ðam biscope ða becc, ða stod ðara wydewan
are, on ðæs cinges handa. ða wolde Wulfstan
se gerefa niman þa are to ðæs cinges handa,
Bromleah, ⁊ Fealcnaham. ða gesohte seo wy-
dewe ða halgan stowe, ⁊ ðane biscop, ⁊ agæf ðam
cinge Bromleages boc, ⁊ Fealcnahames, ⁊ se
byscop gebohte ða becc ⁊ ða land æt ðam cinge
on Godeshylle,6 mid fiftigan mancesan goldes,
⁊ hund teontigan, ⁊ ðrittigum pundum, þurh fore-
spræce, ⁊ costnunge, into Sanctę Andrea,7 siððan
ða lefde se biscop ðare wydewan, ðara lande
bryces, under ðam ða gewatt se cing. Ongan
ða syððan Byrhtric ðare wydewan mæg, ⁊ heo
to ðam genedde þæt hy brucan ðara landa on
reaflace, gesohtan ða ðane ealdorman Eadwi-
ne, ⁊ þæt folc ðe wæs Godes anspreca, ⁊ geneddan
ðane biscop be ealre his are agiftes ðara
boca, ne moste he beon þara ðreora nanes
wyrðe ðe eallum leodscipe geseald wæs on wedde,
Tale, ne teames, ne ahnunga. þis is seo gewitnesse ðæs ceapes: Eadgar cing,
⁊ Dunstan arcebiscop, ⁊ Oswald arcebiscop, ⁊ Aðelwold biscop,
Æðelgar biscop, ⁊ Æscwi biscop, ⁊ Ælfstan biscop, ⁊ oðer Ælf-
stan biscop, ⁊ Sideman biscop, ⁊ ðæs cinges modor Ælf-
ðryð, ⁊ Osgar abbod, ⁊ Ælfere ealdorman, ⁊
Wulfstan on Dælham, ⁊ Ælfric on Ebbesham,
⁊ seo duguð folces on Westan Cænt, þær þæt
land, ⁊ þæt læð to lið.
Translation
Concerning Fawkham and Bromley:
Thus were given the lands at Bromley and at Fawkham8 to King Eadgar at London by means of the charters of Snodland.9
Then the priests stole them from the bishop of Rochester and sold them to Ælfric, son of Æscwyn, for secret money. Beforehand Æscwyn, mother of Ælfric, had given them up to [Rochester].10 And then the bishop realised that the charters were stolen. He then earnestly pleaded for the charters; meanwhile Ælfric died, and he later intreated [Byrhtwaru] his widow,11 until the stolen Snodland charters were given to [Rochester] and the bishop, as well as compensation for the theft, at a moot of the king’s thegns in London. There was Eadgar the king, Dunstan the archbishop, bishop Athelwold, bishop Ælfstan and the other Ælfstan, ealdorman Ælfere, and many of the king’s witan.12 And then those charters were restored to the bishop of [Rochester];13 and then the property of the widow rested in the king’s hand.
Then Wulfstan the reeve wished to take the property, Bromley and Fawkham, into the king’s hand.
However, the widow sought out the holy place and the bishop, and returned to the king the charter of Bromley and of Fawkham. And, at Gadshill,14 the bishop bought the charters and the land from the king with fifty mancuses of gold and one hundred and thirty pounds,15 by means of intercession and tribulation, for St Andrew’s;16 then afterwards the bishop permitted the widow use of the land. Meanwhile, the king died.
Then, afterwards, Byrhtric, a kinsman of the widow, set about persuading her that they obtain the lands by force.17 Then they sought out Eadwine the ealdorman along with the people, who were God’s accuser, and they compelled the bishop, on forfeit of all his property, to return the charters; nor was he to be worthy of any of those three things which were given to all people on pledging: neither talu,18 nor team,19 nor proof of ownership.20
This is the list of witnesses of the transaction: King Eadgar, Archbishop Dunstan,21 Archbishop Oswald,22 Bishop Athelwold,23 Bishop Æthelgar,24 Bishop Æscwig,25 Bishop Ælfstan,26 the other Bishop Ælfstan,27 Bishop Sideman,28 Ælfthryth the king’s mother,29 abbot Osgar, ealdorman Ælfere,30 Wulfstan of Dalham, Ælfric of Epsom, and the honourable folk of West Kent, where also that land and property lie.
Footnotes
1 King Eadgar, r. 959-75.
2 Title from A. Campbell (ed.), Charters of Rochester (Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 53. Campbell briefly discusses the story behind this charter, and related charters, at pp. xx–xxii. For a more detailed account, see Colin Flight, ‘Four vernacular texts from the pre-Conquest archive of Rochester Cathedral’, Archaeologia Cantiana 115 (1995), pp. 121–153: online here [accessed 12.02.18].
3 Date assigned by Campbell. Flight argues reasonably for a date in the 990s: ‘Four vernacular texts’, pp. 128–29.
4 The rubric was not written by the principal scribe, as can be determined by comparing letter forms, such as ‘h’ and ‘g’. The spelling for Fawkham in the rubric, i.e. ‘Falchehan’ (‘-n’ is likely an error for ‘-m’), appears to be contemporary with the writing of Textus Roffensis (c.1123), since it differs from the spelling offered in the charter, ‘Fealcnaham’, which dates to the late tenth century. ‘Falchehan/m’ is not offered in Judith Glover, The Place Names of Kent (B. T. Batsford Ltd, 1976), p. 72.
5 ‘Þus wæron ða land…’.
6 The ‘y’ in ‘hylle’ as been altered from an ‘i’.
7 ‘Sanctę Andrea’: the text switches to Latin for ‘Saint Andrew’.
8 Pronounced Faykum: Judith Glover, The Place Names of Kent (B. T. Batsford Ltd, 1976), p. 72.
9 Charters: literally, ‘land-books’, Old English landbec. Subsequently referred to simply as becc ‘books’.
10 Literally, ‘to that place’; similar phraseology is used in the original where ‘[Rochester]’ appears elsewhere in the translation.
11 Named in a related will, which appears in Textus Roffensis at folios 144r–145r (Old English) and 145v–147r (Latin copy).
12 Witan, the king’s council.
13 ‘those charters’, referring specifically to ‘the charters of Snodland’ above. It seems, somewhat confusingly, that what follows in the account, below, is that either the widow hands over other charters relating specifically to Bromley and Fawkham, or the narrator is not being strictly chronological but is rather clarifying the whole process of how ‘those charters’ ended up back with the bishop of Rochester.
14 Perhaps Gads Hill, Gillingham.
15 ‘Mancus. A[nglo-]S[axon] term referring to one eighth of a (monetary) pound, i.e. 30d [pennies] or 2s 6d; it was a unit of account, not a coin. It was used in England from the late 8[th century].’ A Dictionary of Medieval Terms and Phrases, ed. Christopher Corèdon with Ann Williams (D. S. Brewer, 2005).
16 St Andrew’s, the cathedral church of Rochester, and by extension the monastery.
17 Literally, ‘in robbery, plunder’, Old English on reaflace.
18 ‘Talu. An accusation; also a claim, i.e. to a piece of land.’ Dictionary of Medieval Terms and Phrases.
19 ‘Team. Right of a lord to supervise the vouching for the quality of goods and the presenting of evidence of the right to sell presented goods.’ Dictionary of Medieval Terms and Phrases. In the context, team here appears to relate to the right to produce assurances that the land was obtained honestly.
20 Old English ahnung, variant of agnung, ‘Agnung. Ownership, possession; also proof of ownership’: Dictionary of Medieval Terms and Phrases.
21 Of Canterbury, r. 960–88.
22 Of York, r. 972–92.
23 Of Winchester, r. 963–84.
24 Of Selsey, r. 980–88.
25 Of Dorchester, r. c.977–1002.
26 Of Rochester, r. 964–95.
27 Of London, r. 961–c.996.
28 Of Crediton, r. 973–77.
29 Queen Consort of England (crowned 973), Edgar’s wife, and therefore not ‘the mother of’ King Eadgar, but the mother of his successor, their son, King Æthelred ‘the Unready’. The writer is writing from his own time perspective, which helps us to date this charter to after 978, when Æthelred succeeded to the throne.
30 Of Mercia, 956–83.
Almsgiving in honour of Bishop Gundulf, 1114-1124
Bishop Ernulf sets up alms-giving in honour of Gundulf, 1114–11241. Textus Roffensis, ff. 197r–197v. Translated from Latin and edited by Dr Christopher Monk.
Transcription
197r (select folio number to open facsimile)
hęc est elemosina, quam
domnus Ernulfus episcopus consensu
et rogatu monachorum constituit singu-
lis annis faciendam pro anima patris nostri
Gundulfi episcopi in anniuersario ipsius.
Secretarius debet dare quadraginta denarios. Camerarius quadraginta denarios. Celararius quadraginta denarios, et unum millenarium
allecium. Hedreham quattuor solidos, et duos salmones.
Frendesberi, Denintuna, Flietes, Wldeham,
sex solidos, et duos salmones; Stoches, duos salmones; Lamhetha, unum; Suthuuerca, unum. Hos
uiginti solidos recipiet celararius, et empto inde
pane et allece, ipse cum elemosinariis distribu-
et ipsa die pauperibus. Salmones autem
habebunt fratres in refectorio.
Translation
This is the alms-giving which the lord bishop Ernulf, 2 having granted it at the request of the monks, set up to be made every year for the soul of our father, bishop Gundulf,3 on his anniversary.4
The secretary ought to give forty pennies. The chamberlain, forty pennies. The cellarer, forty pennies and one thousand herrings.5 Haddenham four shillings and two salmon. Frindsbury, Denton, Fleet, Wouldham, six shillings and two salmon.6 Stoke, two salmon; Lambeth, one; Southwark, one.
These twenty shillings the cellarer will receive,7 and then having acquired bread and herrings, he himself with the almoner will distribute these very things to the poor on this day. The salmon however, the brothers will have in the refectory.
Footnotes
1 This text was not written by the principal scribe, who completed his work c. 1123, but was added as part of a folio that was inserted later in the twelfth century to replace one that had been cut out. The note does however relate to the period of Ernulf’s bishopric (1114–1124), and may well be a copy of an original charter by the bishop.
2 Bishop of Rochester at the time of the writing of Textus Roffensis (r. 1114–1124). He likely oversaw its completion around 1123.
3 Bishop and prior at Rochester, from 1077 to 1108.
4 i.e. the anniversary of his death, 7th March 1108.
5 The secretary, chamberlain and cellarer were obedientaries, i.e. senior monks.
6 The responsibility was shared between these four villages in Kent.
7 The arithmetic is correct: note, 12 pennies to a shilling, so the 120 shillings of the three obedientaries is equivalent to 10 shillings; added to the four from Haddenham in Buckinghamshire, and the six from the four Kentish villages, that makes 20 shillings in total.
Bishop Gundulf’s arrangements for the monk’s clothing,
196r (select folio number to open facsimile)
Hęc sunt quę ordinata sunt a domino nostro Gundulfo episcopo ad uestitum monachorum.
De Rouecestra, x libras. De molendino eiusdem uillę, xxx solidos. De cellario, xxiiii solidos. De Frandesberia, v libras et x solidas. De Stoches, xxx solidos. De Fletis, iiii libras et x solidos. De W[u]ldeham, maiori et minori, xxx solidos. De Hederham, v libras. De Tarenteford, ii libras. De Northfletis, iii libras et x solidos. De Cantuarię, iii libras. De Bullocesfelde, ii libras. De Grean, xv solidos. De Ærhetha, xx solidos. De Adeloldo de Cilesfelda, x solidos. De Uulmero eiusdem uillę, x solidos. Rodbertus de Uuateuilla, xv solidos. Radulfus Pincerna, vi solidos et viii denarios. De archidiacono, x solidos.
Willelmus de Editune, v solidos. Heimfred, vi solidos et viii denarios. Hunfrith Canuth, x solidos. Radulfus Pincerna, v solidos, de Culingis.
Et omnis decimas quas Anschetillus archidiaconus de Cantuaria tenebat de Adam fratre Eudonis Dapiferi.
Osbernus de Biliceham, xii solidos, Godefridus de Scræmbroce, x solidos. Ulgerius nepos
Geroldi, v solidos. De Æilesford, xx solidos. De Suðtune, xx solidos. De Uuleuuic, iiii solidos. De Ciselherste, iiii solidos.
Translation
HERE ARE THE ARRANGEMENTS BY OUR LORD AND BISHOP GUNDULF2 FOR THE CLOTHING OF THE MONKS.
From Rochester, 10 pounds. From the mill-house of the same estate, 30 shillings. From the cellarer,3 24 shillings. From Frindsbury, 5 pounds and 10 shillings. From Stoke, 30 shillings. From Fleet, 4 pounds and 10 shillings. From Wouldham, Greater and Lesser, 30 shillings. From Haddenham,4 5 pounds. From Dartford, 2 pounds. From Northfleet, 3 pounds and 10 shillings. From Canterbury, 3 pounds. From Bullocksfield,5 2 pounds. From Grain,6 15 shillings. From Erith, 20 shillings. From Æthelwold of Chelsfield,7 10 shillings. From Wulmer of the same estate, 10 shillings. Robert of Watteville, 15 shillings. Ralf Pincerna,8 6 shillings and 8 pennies. From the archdeacon, 10 shillings. William of Addington, 5 shillings. Heimfred, 6 shillings and 8 pennies. Hunfrith Canuth, 10 shillings. Ralf Pincerna of Cooling, 5 shillings. And of all tithings which Anschetill archdeacon of Canterbury was holding from Adam,9 brother of Eudo Dapifer. 10 Osbern of Belceham,11 12 shillings. Godfrid of Scræmbroce,12 10 shillings. Ulger, grandson of Gerald, 5 shillings. From Aylesford, 20 shillings. From Sutton, 20 shillings. From Woolwich, 4 shillings. From Chislehurst, 4 shillings.
Footnotes
1 The document lists Haddenham as one of the estates contributing to the clothing fund. Since the grant of Haddenham to St Andrew’s Priory at Rochester was confirmed after the death of archbishop Lanfranc in 1089, this is the earliest possible date of the original document. Bishop Gundulf died in 1108, thus marking the latest possible date. See notes 2 and 4 below.
2 Bishop Gundulf, second of the post-Conquest bishops of Rochester, was a monastic bishop, serving also as prior of the cathedral’s priory (St Andrew’s). He was consecrated as bishop in 1077 and served as bishop and prior until his death in 1108.
3 The cellarer was one of the obedientaries (senior monks) of the monastery. He would have kept his own accounts.
4 In Buckinghamshire. This estate was granted to Gundulf by archbishop Lanfranc, but after the archbishop’s death in 1089, King William II (William Rufus) disputed the grant forcing Gundulf to make a concession of fortifying Rochester Castle in exchange for the estate. A copy of the Domesday Book entry for Haddenham (‘Hedreham’) is preserved in Custumale Roffense, f. 8r, and the transference of the estate (‘Hedenham’) to Gundulf is recorded in a charter in Textus Roffensis, 173r.
5 Unidentified, but apparently somewhere in the parish of Bletchingley: kentarchaeology.ac, p. 224, n. 17.
6 Isle of Grain.
7 He was probably a knight and the brother of Baldwin, a monk of Rochester. See H. Tsurushima, ‘The Fraternity of Rochester Cathedral Priory about 1100’, Proceedings of the Battle Conference 1991, Anglo-Norman Studies 14 (1992), 313–337, at 326.
8 The surname pincerna means ‘butler’ or ‘cupbearer’; see Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources: http://logeion.uchicago.edu/index.html#pincerna.
9 Adam Sinclair, commissioner of Domesday Book and wealthy Norman landowner, serving under Bishop Odo. See: fionamsinclair.co.uk
10 Eudo Dapifer (dapifer is Latin for ‘server’, one who waits at tables), a Norman aristocrat, served as steward for William the Conqueror, William Rufus and Henry I. See Henry Ellis, A General Introduction to Domesday Book (1833), pp. 415–16.
11 Unidentified; however, there is a Belce Wood (Old English, Bylce wudu) in Sturry, Canterbury, which may indicate the approximate area. See Judith Glover, The Place Names of Kent (London: Batsford, 1976), p. 15.
12 Unidentified. The spelling has not been modernised; possibly ‘Sharnbrook’.
Funds for building and maintenance, 1114-1124
![Artificial Intelligence-generated image produced using DreamStudio [accessed 13-08-2023]: 'Early medieval servants working on the roof of a large building.' Find out more: rochestercathedral.org/research/ai](/s/funds_for_building_and_maintenance.jpg "Artificial Intelligence-generated image produced using DreamStudio [accessed 13-08-2023]: 'Early medieval servants working on the roof of a large building.'")
Funds for building and maintenance 1114-1124
December 14, 2017Bishop Ernulf grants funds for the building and maintenance of St Andrew’s Priory, Date: 1114–11241. Textus Roffensis, f. 197r. Translated from Latin and edited by Dr Christopher Monk.
Transcription
197r (select folio number to open facsimile)
Notum sit omnibus tam posteris quam prę-
sentibus sanctę Rofensis ęcclesię fidelibus, quod
ego Ernulfus eiusdem ęcclesię episcopus concessi in
perpetuum ad edificandas et sustentandas
domos monachorum denarios quos presbiteri pa-
rochiani solent reddere uel quando
crisma accipiunt, uel ad synodum con-
ueniunt. Teste Heruiso archidiacono,
Guarnerio Cantuariensi monacho, Rodberto Dof-
forensi canonico, Ansfrido Dapifero, Athe-
lardo, Ricardo, Gosfrido, Scotlando, Ęlsta-
no filio Adelardi, Osberno filio Osmundi,
et multis de familia nostra, et aliis.
Translation
Let it be known to all (as much to the future as the present faithful of the holy church of Rochester) that I Ernulf,2 bishop of the same church granted in perpetuity for the building and maintenance of the monks’ home the money which the priests of the parish are accustomed to render either when they receive chrism or assemble at the synod.3 Witnessed by Harvey, the archdeacon; Warner of Canterbury, monk; Robert of Dover, canon; Ansfrid Dapifer; Adelard; Richard; Gosfrid;4 Scotland;5 Ealhstan6 son of Adelard; Osborn son of Osmund; and many from our family and others.
Footnotes
1 This text was not written by the principal scribe, who completed his work c. 1123, but was added as part of a folio that was inserted later in the twelfth century to replace one that had been cut out. The note does however relate to the period of Ernulf’s bishopric (1114–1124), and may well be a copy of an original charter by the bishop.
2 Bishop of Rochester at the time of the writing of Textus Roffensis (r. 1114–1124). He likely oversaw its completion around 1123.
3 A list of the payments for chrism (holy anointing oil) due from the churches in the diocese of Rochester is found on ff. 220v–222r of Textus Roffensis.
4 Or, Geoffrey
5 Oddly, given as a personal name
6 I’ve used the slightly more familiar Old English spelling.
Privileges relating to the Church at Stourmouth, 1093-1108
Agreement between Bishop Gundulf and Haimo son of Vitalis concerning privileges relating to the church at Stourmouth, Date: 1093–1108. Textus Roffensis, f. 185v. Translated from Latin and edited by Dr Christopher Monk.
Transcription
185v (select folio number to open facsimile)
hęc est conuentio
quam Haimo filius Vitalis fecit uersus Gun-
dulfum episcopum de Rouecestra, quod ipse Haimo
dedit episcopo et monachis ęcclesiam de Sturmu-
tha et suam dominicam decimam totam cum omnibus
consuetudinibus quę ad eandem ęcclesiam per-
tinent, et iiiior acros terrę qui in ęcclesia sunt,
et in eodem manerio pasturam ad centum
oues. Et hoc fecit pro anima patris sui et
matris suę et pro sua, et propter hoc quod quendam
fratrem suum fecit monachum in ęcclesia Sancti An-
dreę. Et hęc ipsa conuentio fuit facta coram
Anselmo archiepiscopo, ita quod ipsemet affuit,
et ita fieri concessit. Et isti sunt testes
qui affuerunt: Baldeuuinus monachus, Wido monachus, Ansfridus clericus, Ra-
dulfus camerarius, Iuo de mala uilla, et alii
plures de familia archiepiscopi, et Willelmus de Etesham.1
Translation
This is the agreement which Haimo son of Vitalis2 made with respect to bishop Gundulf of Rochester:3 to the bishop and monks this very Haimo gave the church of Stourmouth and all its Sunday tithing, with all customary payments which pertain to the same church, and 4 acres of land which are in the church, and in the same manor pasture for one hundred sheep. And this was made for the soul of his father and his mother and his own; and, on account of this, his brother was made a monk in the church of St Andrew. And this very agreement was made in the presence of archbishop Anselm, therefore he himself was present, and therefore he granted that it be done. And these are the witnesses who were present: Baldwin the monk; Guy the monk; Ansfrid the priest; Ralf the chamberlain; Ivo of Malaville,4 and several others of the archbishop’s household; and William of Adisham.5
Footnotes
1 The words ‘allii […] Etesham’ were added by a different, though contemporary, hand. There does not appear to be any erasure, so it would seem that a space was left by the principal scribe, who perhaps was unexpectedly taken from his work and forgot to complete the text on his return.
2 Vitalis of Canterbury: see K. S. B. Keats-Rohan, Domesday People: A Prosopograhy of Persons Occurring in English Documents 1066–1166 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1999), I: Domesday Book, p. 443.
3 Bishop and prior at Rochester, from 1077 to 1108.
4 Or, Ives.
5 Adisham, tentatively for Etesham. Adisham was earlier known as Edesham (1006) and Eadesham (c.1100); see Judith Glover, The Place Names of Kent (London: B. T. Batsford Ltd., 1976), p. 3; Etesham may perhaps be a variant spelling.
The Trial of Penenden Heath, c. 1076
The Trial of Penenden Heath, Textus Roffensis, folios 168r-170v, by Dr Christopher Monk.
Deplacito apud Pinendanam inter Lanfrancum archiepiscopum et Odonem Baiocensem episcopum.
Translation: The plea at Penenden between Archbishop Lanfranc and Odo Bishop of Bayeux.
Introduction
This document records the famous three-day Trial of Penenden Heath that took place in 1072. It is not a copy of the official record, which no longer exists, but of what scholars believe is an exaggerated account.
The plaintiff of the trial was Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury; the accused was William the Conqueror’s half-brother, Bishop Odo of Bayeux, who was also at the time the powerful Earl of Kent.
Odo is painted as the villain for grabbing land that rightfully belonged to Canterbury Cathedral; lands owned by Rochester Cathedral were also under scrutiny, hence the inclusion of the document in the Rochester cartulary. However, historians point out that Odo inherited many of these encroachments from the previous earl of Kent.
The description becomes somewhat theatrical when we are told that ‘bishop Æthelric of Chichester, a man of great age learned in the law of the land, [...] was brought to the plea in a cart on the king’s orders to expound and demonstrate the ancient customs of the law’ [translated by David Bates]. The outcome of the trial is presented as emphatically in Lanfranc’s favour. History shows that not long after the trial Odo became a disgraced figure in England and was imprisoned by King William and stripped of all his properties.
Commentary
Translation is by David Bates (Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum: The Acta of William I, ed. David Bates, pp. 315-16 (no. 69).
The record of the Trial of Penenden Heath survives in various versions. However, the original, official record of this 1072 legal plea no longer exists. The oldest extant version is the one copied into Textus Roffensis. This dates to around 1090, some eighteen years after the trial took place. Historians have called into question some of the details concerning the rights granted to the archbishop of Canterbury.
The plaintiff of the trial was Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury; the accused was William the Conqueror’s half-brother, Bishop Odo of Bayeux:
A notice that after king William had subdued the English kingdom, his brother, bishop Odo of Bayeux, came to England before archbishop Lanfranc and settled in the county of Kent where he exercised great power. And because in those days there was no one strong enough to be able to resist, he appropriated many lands and customs of the archbishopric of Canterbury to his lordship. Subsequently, Lanfranc, abbot of the church of Caen, came to England on the king’s orders and was raised to primacy of the entire English kingdom. When he had lived in England for some time and found that many of the ancient lands of the church were missing, and had discovered that they had been distributed and alienated by his negligent predecessors, having diligently and thoroughly ascertained the truth, he informed the king as quickly as he could of his case. The king ordered the whole shire to deliberate without delay and all the Frenchmen and especially the Englishmen knowledgeable in the ancient laws and customs to convene in a single gathering. When they had assembled at Penenden, all alike considered the problem. And since there were many disputes over land, and since there were arguments between the archbishop and the bishop of Bayeux about the customary laws, and also about the relationship of the king’s and the archbishop’s customs, they were unable to proceed quickly on the first day, and, for this reason, the whole shire-court was detained for three days.
Odo is clearly painted as the villain, yet historians have established that in some cases the encroachments of land for which he was held accountable had taken place before he became the earl of Kent.
The outcome of the trial is presented as emphatically in favour of Lanfranc:
During the three days, archbishop Lanfranc proved his right to several estates which were then held by men of the bishop [...] He proved his right to these lands and others so completely that, by the day on which the trial ended, no man in the whole of the kingdom of England had any claim to them.
Traditionally, the trial has been perceived as evidence of the continuity between English and Norman law, and of the Norman respect for the Anglo-Saxon legal tradition. This is best illustrated in the Rochester version in its description of the witnesses of the trial. Note how the presence of one particular individual is singled out:
Present at the plea were bishop Geoffrey of Coutances who was there in the king’s place and who presided, archbishop Lanfranc who, as has been said, was the plaintiff and gained everything, the earl of Kent, namely the aforesaid bishop Odo of Bayeux, bishop Ernost of Rochester, bishop Æthelric of Chichester, a man of great age learned in the law of the land, who was brought to the plea in a cart on the king’s orders to expound and demonstrate the ancient customs of the law, Richard of Tonbridge, Hugh de Montfort, William de Arques, Haimo the sheriff, as well as many other barons of the king, the archbishop and the other bishops, and other men of other shires and many Frenchmen and Englishmen of great authority from the county of Kent.
Æthelric’s presence at the trial in 1072 has been called into question. We know that King William actually deposed Æthelric as the bishop of Selsey around two years before the trial; in fact, William had him imprisoned. Though the details of the circumstances surrounding this event are not clear, we are nevertheless forced to consider whether the account of Æthelric’s presence should be taken at face value. ‘It is curious’, observes one historian [Alan Cooper], ‘that the King would have specifically demanded the presence of someone he had disgraced and put in custody.’
It is clear that Æthleric is presented as the embodiment of wisdom and Anglo-Saxon legal tradition. Perhaps, then, rather than drawing upon fact, the author of the account saw the aged Æthelric as a symbolic seal of authority, and hence a rather convenient way of shoring up the rights, in favour of Canterbury, made sometime after the trial.
The presence of another of the witnesses, bishop Ernost of Rochester, is also controversial. This is because the trial can be securely dated to 1072, and yet Ernost was bishop of Rochester only between 1075 and 1076. The real bishop of Rochester at the time of the trial was Siward, who was remembered in later times as a negligent and apathetic bishop, hardly the reliable witness of the trial that Canterbury, or indeed Rochester, another of the beneficiaries, would have wanted.
These are not the only dubious details in the document, which may well incorporate other moments of invention. The special privileges relating to Lanfranc’s Canterbury are not independently corroborated by contemporary sources, such as the Domesday Book, and neither is there precedent for these in earlier Anglo-Saxon laws.
Though it is clear that Lanfranc did win back for Canterbury, and for the church at Rochester, a considerable amount of land, some of the other claims are rather unusual. One especially fascinating exemption relates to the so-called ‘murder fine’, imposed on landowners who failed to capture a murderer on the king’s highway:
In the presence of all, it was shown by many clear reasons that the king of the English could claim only three customs in the lands of the archbishop. [...] The third custom is that if anyone commits murder or an act which results in the shedding of blood on the king’s highway, or does anything which no one is allowed to do, and if he is caught in the act, then he will make amends to the king. If, however, he is not detained, and escapes without giving surety, then the king cannot take anything from him [i.e. from the archbishop, referring to the ‘murder fine’].
Perhaps on reflection, rather than simply being a record of continuity between Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman laws, the account of the Trial of Penenden Heath underscores just how vital it was for the community at Canterbury to secure its lands and privileges, something that is emphasized in the conclusion of the document:
When the king was informed of the many witnesses and reasons which had contributed to the verdict, he was delighted, and joyfully confirmed it with the agreement of all his magnates that it should be preserved and upheld intact. As a result this was written down so that it will be remembered in future, and so that all who succeed to Christ Church, Canterbury, may know the nature and the extent of the rights they hold from God, and what the kings and the magnates of the kingdom may exact from them.
Charm for stolen livestock, recorded c.1123
Dr Christopher Monk reading the stolen livestock charm.
Transcription
95r (select folio number to open facsimile)
Gif feoh sy under numen: gif hit sy hors, sing
on his feotere, oððe on his bridels. Gif hit
sy oþer feoh, sing on þæt hofrec and ontend þreo
candela and dryp on ðæt ofrec wæx ðriwa: ne mæg hit
ðe manna forhelan. Gif hit sy inorf sing
on feower healfa ðæs huses, and æne on middan. Crux Christi reducat. Crux Christi per furtum periit: in-
venta est. Abraham tibi [semitas],1 vias, montes conclu-
dat; Iob et flumina; [ Jacob te]2 ad iudicii ligatum perducat. Iudeas Christi Crist ahengan ðæt him com to wite
swa strangum gedydon heom dæda þa wyrstan
hy ðæt drofe forguldon hælon hit him to
hearme myclum and heo hit nafor helan ne
mihton.
Translation
If livestock is stolen: If it is a horse, sing [the charm] upon its fetters or upon its bridle. If it is other livestock, sing over the hoof-track, and light three candles and drip wax three times over the hoof-track: no man may hide it. If it is household property, sing to the four sides of the house and once in the middle.
[To be sung/chanted:]
May the Cross of Christ restore. The Cross of Christ was lost by theft: it was found. May Abraham shut up to you paths, roads, mountains; and Job the rivers. May Jacob lead you to judgement bound.
The Jews of Christ’s [day] hanged Christ; that came back upon them as a punishment just as powerful. They did to him the worst of deeds, they paid for that with trouble. They concealed it to their great harm, but they were never able to conceal it.
Footnotes
1 Actually reads ‘sanitas’ (‘sanity’), but this seems to be an error as it does not fit grammatically; ‘semitas’ appears instead in other manuscripts.
2 The subject and object of the verb are missing in Textus Roffensis; ‘Jabob te’ is used in other manuscripts.