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Wild she-goat, Rochester Bestiary, c.1230

Rochester Bestiary, ff20r-20v. British Library MS. Transcription by Dr Patricia Steward. Translation and commentary by Gabriele Macelletti.

In Christian symbolism, the wild she-goat was sometimes linked to lust and sinful desires. This association draws from traditional notions of goats as lascivious animals. This symbolism was often used to caution against succumbing to earthly temptations and indulging in immoral behaviour.

Although the Bible does not explicitly mention wild she-goats in the context of lust, there are references to goats in general being associated with sin and separation from God. For example, in Matthew 25:31-46, goats are separated from sheep as a metaphor for the judgment of the righteous and the unrighteous.

In the Old Testament, goats were a symbol of the leader and spiritual guidance. In Jeremiah 50:8: “Flee out of Babylon; leave the land of the Babylonians, and be like the goats that lead the flock.”, the Judeans are urged to flee from Babylon and go out like goats leading the flock and the goats represents exemplary action.

The wild she-goat was sometimes allegorically connected to the devil, especially when portrayed in a demonic or unruly manner. This association may stem from the goat's historical association with pagan rites and the notion of the devil as a corrupter.

Caprea has habet naturas quod pascendo de al-
tis ad altiora tendit. bonas herbas a noxiis ocu-
lorum acumine eligit. herbas ruminat. vulne-
rata ad dittanum¹ currit. qua tacta sanatur;
Sic boni predicatores pascentes in lege domini. et in bo-
nis pastoribus quasi in pastu delectantes; de virtu-
te in virtutem conscendunt. bonas sentencias a ma-
lis eligunt. et electas ruminant. idest bonas perscru-
tantur. et ruminatas tradunt memorie. Hii a-
peccato(changed from peccata) vulnerati; ad christum fontem recurrunt. qui
telum diaboli expellit de corde. confitentes pecca-
ta et cito sanantur. Ideoque christus bene ditanus dicitur.

The wild she-goat has these characteristics: when grazing, it moves from high to even higher pastures. It discerns good grass from harmful grass owing to the sharpness of its eyes. It chews the cud. When wounded, it hastens to search for the dittany plant and it heals by touching it. Thus, good preachers, who graze on the Law of the Lord and take delight in good pastures and in being good shepherds, ascend from virtue to virtue. They discern good maxims and principles from evil ones and ruminate the chosen ones. That is, they thoroughly examine the good ones and commit the ruminated ones to memory. Those wounded by sin seek the help of Christ, the Source, who expels the devil's weapons from their heart. Once they have confessed their sins, they are healed quickly. Therefore, Christ is compared to the plant dittany.

Sicut enim ditanus ferrum a vulnere depellit; et vul-
nus sanat; ita christus per confessionem diabolum eicit;
et peccatum ignoscit.

In fact, just as the dittany expels iron from a wound and heals it, so Christ, through confession, casts out the Devil and forgives sin.

Endnotes

1 Dictamnus or dictamnum

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Fox, Rochester Bestiary, c.1230

Rochester Bestiary, ff25r-26r. British Library MS. Transcription by Dr Patricia Steward. Translation and commentary by Gabriele Macelletti.

The fox is a clever and deceitful animal representing the heretics and the Devil: just as the Devil pretends to be dead and then devours the souls of sinners, the fox pretends to be dead and waits for birds to plane close to its body in order to devour them.

In Christian symbolism, the fox was often associated with the deceitfulness and slyness of Satan but it also symbolised heretics and false prophets who led believers astray with deceptive teachings with regard to their faith.

Those who imitated the fox’s behaviour were the sinners of flesh, liars and the lecherous as well as thieves, murderers and the idolaters. Therefore, this animal was often compared with King Herod called that fox in the Bible, as we see in Luke 12:32-33: And He said to them, “Go, tell that fox, ‘Behold, I cast out demons and perform cures today and tomorrow, and the third day I shall be perfected.’”. Just as the fox digs the earths, Herod digs the earths of sin by embodying inebriation and lechery, pride, cruelty, arrogance, greed, betrayal and disloyalty.

Thomas of Cantimpré describes the fox as having healing properties: its liver is able to heal iliac infections whereas its brain frees from epilepsy, especially if it is given to children.

Vulpis dicitur; quasi volipes. Est enim volubilis pedi-
bus. odore fetens. et numquam recto itinere. sed tortuo-
sis anfractibus currit ex mutabilitate animi. Fraudu-
lentum animal et ingeniosum et insidiis decipiens
Namque cum esurit; finit se mortuam involutans se;
rubra terra et extrahens linguam. Sicque descendentes quasi
ad cadaver aves; capit et devorat. Multi homines
putantes illam mortuam; in vehiculo ciborum eam
proiecerunt ut dicitur. et sic saturata; se ad terram
fugiendo deiecit. Aves de nocte et gallinas super arbo-
res sedentes. ad scintinas oculorum suorum quasi lumen

The fox is called vulpēs¹, sounding as the syncopation of volipēs². It is fleet-footed and it smells fetidly. It never runs in a straight line but twists and turns owing to the changeable nature of its mind. A deceitful, clever, and cunning animal that deceives by laying traps. When it craves food, it feigns death by wrapping itself up in red soil and sticking out its tongue. Thus, when birds plane close to its body, the fox seizes and devours them. Many a man, thinking it dead, has thrown it away on the food cart, as they say, and when the fox is satiated, it throws itself down onto the ground whilst fleeing. Fire draws to itself birds by night and hens sitting on trees as they descend towards it.

ignis allicit; ut descendant. Infatuantur enim scintillan-
tibus lumenibus. Vel quia lumen in tenebris aves petunt;
ad id descendunt. Istius(small gold capital) eiusdemque figuram diabolus habet.
Omnibus enim viventibus secundum carnem; fingit se esse mortuum quo-
adusque intra guttur suum habeat et puniat. Spiritua-
libus tamen viris in fide vere mortuus est. et ad nichilum re-
dactus. Qui autem volunt exercere opera eius; moriuntur
dicente apostolo. Scientes quasi secundum carnem vixeritis;
moriemini. Si autem spiritu facta carnis mortificaveri-
tis; vivetis. Et david. Intrabunt in inferiora terre. tra-
dentur in manus gladii partes vulpium erunt. Item signi-
ficat hereticum subdolum. cuius typum tenuit herodes.
qui christum id est humilitatem christiane fidei in credentibus conabatur
extinguere. Un in evvangelio dicit dominus illis qui dixe-
runt ei quod herodes querebat eum occidere. Ite et di-
cite vulpi illi. Ecce eicio demonia et sanitates perfitio.
hodie et cras. et tertia die consumor. Umtn opportet me
et hodie et cras et sequenti ambulare. quia non capt pro-
phetam perire extra ierusalem. Q.d.Non poterit me herodes
occidere hic. q2 non convenit me alibi occidi qui sum summus
propheta; nisi in ierusalem. et alli prophete mei occisi sunt. et hoc
a pilato fiet in ierusalem; ubi herodes non habet potestatem.
H’ ambulatio ad litteram intelligitur. q2 disposuit ire in

Indeed, they have themselves deceived by the sparkling lights. Birds seek light in darkness; therefore, they descend towards it. The devil has a similar image. For all living beings who live by the flesh, he pretends to be dead until he has them in his gullet and devours them. However, for spiritual men who live by faith, he is truly dead and reduced to nothingness. Those who wish to practice the Devil’s deeds die, as the Apostle⁴ says: “or if ye live after the flesh, ye shall die; but if ye through the Spirit do mortify the deeds of the body, ye shall live.” (Romans, 8:13). David says: “They shall go into the lower parts of the earth: they shall fall by the sword: they shall be a portion for foxes.” (Psalms, 63:9-10)

ierusalem. Herodes igitur nec heretici poterunt perturbare quod
iiitendo facere. Intendo enim eicere demonia de cordi-
bus hominum. ut relictis vanitatibus in me credant.
et perficere sanitates animarum ut secundum precepta meam vi-
vant. postea consummationem accipiam in corpore meo.
quod est. ecclesia. quando in die resurrectionis eam glo-
rificatem et consumatam ad consortium angelorum
perducam. Hodie igitur et cras; significant duos dies quibus
christus erat in cruce et in sepulcro. quibus redemit eccle-
siam. Tercia dies erat resurrectionis; qn omnia consumma-
vit. Vel prima dies est per dei gratiam abrenuntiare¹ va-
nitatibus. Sccl’a concordare veritati; vita et moribus.
Tercia; est ultima glorificatio. De dolositate quoque here-
ticorum legitur in libro iudicum. qualiter sampson
cepit .ccc. vulpes caudasque earum iunxit ad caudas.
et faces ligavit in medio. quas igne succendens; suc-
cendit per eas segetes philistinorum Vulpes etiam dicun-
tur demones. Unde in evvangelio. Wlpes foveas habent
et volucres celi iudum;

Similarly, this symbolises the sly heretic, the type whereof Herod regarded as role model. Herod attempted to extinguish Christ, that is, the humility of the Christian faith, among the believers. In the Gospel, the Lord says to those who told Him that Herod attempted to kill Him: “And he said unto them, Go ye, and tell that fox, Behold, I cast out devils, and I do cures to day and to morrow, and the third day I shall be perfected. Nevertheless I must walk to day, and to morrow, and the day following: for it cannot be that a prophet perish out of Jerusalem.”(Luke KJV 13:32-33). That is to say, Herod will not be able to kill me here nor is it appropriate for me to be killed elsewhere, since I am the Highest Prophet, except in Jerusalem, where other prophets have also been killed. This will happen in Jerusalem, where Herod has no power. The walking is interpreted literally as His plan to go to Jerusalem. Therefore, neither Herod nor heretics shall be able to disrupt what He intends to do by going there, for I intend to cast out demons from the hearts of men so that they may believe in me once they have left vanity behind and restore the health of their souls and live according to my commandments. Later, I will receive consummation in my body, which is the Church, and on the day of resurrection, I will lead Her⁵ glorified and consummate to the Communion of Angels. Therefore, today and tomorrow symbolise the two days when Christ was on the cross and in the tomb, redeeming the Church. The third day was the day of resurrection when He completed all things. The first day is by God's grace to renounce vanities, the second day is to agree with the truth and to live in life and morals. The third day is the Highest Glorification. We can read of the deceitfulness of heretics in the Book of Judges that tells the story of Samson, who caught 300 foxes and tied them tail to tail in pairs and fastened torches in the middle. He lit the torches and then set fire to the Philistines’ crops⁶. Foxes are also called demons. Hence, in the Gospel, foxes have holes, and the birds of the air have nests.⁷

Endnotes

1 Ecclesiastical Latin strengthened form of rĕnuntĭo to mean to renounce.

2 The Latin dictionary shows the word fox as vulpēs or volpēs or vulpis.

3 The adjective volipēs means swift-footed/nimble. It comes from volo (to fly) + pes (foot).

4 The Apostle Paul in Romans 8:13.

5 It is referring to the Church.

6 Judges KJV 15:4: “And Samson went and caught three hundred foxes, and took firebrands, and turned tail to tail, and put a firebrand in the midst between two tails.”

7 Matthew KJV 8:20: “And Jesus saith unto him, The foxes have holes, and the birds of the air have nests; but the Son of man hath not where to lay his head.”

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Yale, Rochester Bestiary, c.1230

Rochester Bestiary, f26v. British Library MS. Transcription by Dr Patricia Steward. Translation and commentary by Gabriele Macelletti.

The name yale, also called centicore, is believed to derive from the Hebrew word יָעֵל (yael), which means ibex.

In Medieval Christian symbolism, this beast may have represented strength and courage: it was often portrayed as a formidable creature with great strength and courage. Its ability to defend itself against attackers, often depicted by its use of its rotating horns, symbolized bravery and resilience in the face of adversity.

Christians often associated the yale with the idea of protection and defence against evil forces. Its ferocious appearance and reputed ability to turn its horns to face any threat were interpreted as symbolic guardianship, representing the protective power of faith against spiritual adversaries.

Some interpretations of the yale in Medieval Christian symbolism draw parallels with Christological themes. For instance, the yale's ability to rotate its horns may have been seen as a metaphor for Christ's omniscience and omnipotence, his ability to confront and overcome all challenges.

Est bestia que dicitur eale. magna ut equus. cauda;
elephantis. nigro colore. maxillis caprinis. cornua
preferens ultra modum longa. ad obsequium cuius velit
motus accomodata. Neque enim rigent; sed moventur
ut usus exigit preliandi. Quorum alterum cum pug-
nat; pretendit; alterum replicat. Ut si ictu aliquo
alterius acumen offenderit; acies succedat alterius;

The beast called yale is as large as a horse, has a tail like that of an elephant, is of black colour, has caprine jaws, and exceedingly long horns that adjust to any movements it wishes to make, for they do not stiffen, but they move as the need for fighting requires. When the yale has to fight, one horn moves forward whereas the other one folds back. If the tip of the first horn is damaged by a blow, it is replaced by the tip of the second one.

Onager, Rochester Bestiary, c.1230

Rochester Bestiary, f39r. British Library MS. Transcription by Dr Patricia Steward. Translation and commentary by Gabriele Macelletti.

The onager is symbolic of the devil: the bestiary of Cambridge states that the onager has demoniac characteristics because it is able to predict the vernal equinox and brays at each hour, by night and by day, claiming its prey. Similarly, the devil brays at each hour claiming its prey as soon as he finds out that the Wandering People had turned to God and to faith.

According to the Physiologus, the onager makes, just as the equinox does, night, that is Paganism, equal to day, that is, Christianity.

The onager was also associated with chastity due to its reputation for being untameable and uncontrollable, particularly in its sexual desires. This trait was seen as virtuous and reflective of the need for humans to control their own desires.

It was also known for its solitary nature, often roaming alone in desolate areas. This characteristic made it symbolic of asceticism and the solitary pursuit of spiritual enlightenment.

This animal’s stubbornness and resistance to being tamed could also be interpreted negatively, representing the stubbornness of sinners who resist the teachings of Christianity or the temptations of the devil.

Onager(changed from Anager, so has two gold capitals) interpretatur asinus ferus. Onos quippe
grece; asinus latine. Agrios; ferum. Hos affrica habet
magnos et indomitos. et in deserto vagantes. Singuli autem;
feminarum gregibus presunt. Nascentibus parvulis zelant.
et testiculos eorum morsu detruncant. Quod caventes ma-

The onager is regarded as a wild donkey. In Greek, it was called ὄνος/ónos¹, ăsĭnus in Latin. Αγριος/agrios means wild. Africa has these large and untamed beasts wandering in the desert. They roam individually, leading the herds of females. They zealously protect their newborn cubs and bite off their testicles.

tres; eos in secretis locis abscondunt. Philosogus dicit de ona-
gro quia vicessimo quinto die mansis martii duodecies
in nocte rugit. et similiter in die. Et ex hoc cognoscitur;
quia equinoctium est. et numerum horarum diei vel noctis;
ainde norunt. Figuram huius; diabolus habet. qui cum
scierit noctem et diem coequare; idest populum qui am-
bulabat in tenebris converti ad deum; et coequari fidei
iustorum. sicut coequatur nox cum die; iccirco rugit noc-
te. per singulas horas querens escam suam. Nam non rugit
onager; nisi pabulum desiderans; sicut dicit iob. Numquid
clamabit onager nisi pabulum desiderans; Unde etiam
apostolus. Adversarius noster tamquam leo rugiens cir-
cuit querens quem devorat;

Besides, they hide three of them in secret places. The Physiologus² says of the onager that on the twenty-fifth day of March, it brays twelve times by night, and does the same by day. Therefore, when there is the equinox, they also know the number of hours of day or night therefrom. The devil is in the image of this beast, for it knows night and day to be equal, that is, the people who walked in darkness were turned to God and the faith of the righteous were made equal, just as night is made equal to day; therefore, it brays by night, claiming its prey at each hour. The onager does not bray unless it craves food, as Job says, 'Will the wild donkey bray when it has grass?'³ The Apostle⁴ says: “Our adversary, the devil, roams around like a roaring lion seeking whom he may devour”⁵.

He-Goat, Rochester Bestiary, c.1230

Rochester Bestiary, f36r. British Library MS. Transcription by Dr Patricia Steward. Translation and commentary by Gabriele Macelletti.

The he-goat was connected to the worship of Artemis, the Goddess of wild animals and of Pan, the God of shepherds and flocks: the animal was given as a reward to actors who thrived on the stages of Greek theatres.

The he-goat was also associated with sin and temptation, particularly due to its reputed lascivious behaviour. This association draws from biblical imagery, such as the scapegoat in Leviticus 16:21-22¹, which symbolically carried away the sins of the people. In Christian interpretation, the he-goat could symbolize the temptations of the flesh that lead humans astray from God's path.

The reputation of this beast for promiscuity and excessive sexual behaviour made it a symbol of lust and carnal desires. This association is found in various medieval texts and artworks, where the he-goat often represents the indulgence in worldly pleasures that distract from spiritual pursuits.

The stubborn and sometimes aggressive nature of the he-goat could symbolize rebellion against authority or resistance to divine will. This interpretation is less common but is found in some allegorical writings where animals are used to represent human characteristics and behaviours.

In the Bible, there are several references to goats, though not specifically to he-goats, that carry symbolic significance:

In the Old Testament, goats were sometimes used as sacrificial animals, such as in Leviticus 16 where one goat was chosen for the Lord and another as a scapegoat.

In the New Testament, particularly in Matthew 25:31-35², Jesus uses the imagery of separating the sheep from the goats as a metaphor for the final judgment, where the righteous are likened to sheep and the unrighteous to goats.

Hircus lascivum animal est et petulcum. et fer-
vens semper ad coitum. cuius oculi ob libidinem
in transversum aspiciunt. Unde et nomen traxit;
Nam hirci sunt oculorum anguli secundum suetonium. cuius na-
tura adeo calidissima est; ut adamantem lapidem quem
nec ignis nec ferri materia domare valet; solus huius
cruor dissoluat. Hedi ab edendo vocati. Parvi enim
pinguissimi sunt. et saporis iucundi. Unde edere et edu-
lium inde vocatur.

The he-goat is a wanton animal, it gores with its horns and is always longing for copulation. Its eyes look sideways owing to lust, wherefrom its name derives. According to Suetonius³, hirci are the angles of the eyes. Its nature is so passionate and the blood alone of this beast can dissolve a diamond stone, which neither fire nor iron can dissolve. Young goats are called haedi from eating, edendum, for the small ones are fat and taste delicious. Hence, the act of eating, ĕdēre, and the food, ĕdūlĭum, are named after them.

Endnotes

1 Leviticus 16:21-22 NKJV: “Aaron shall lay both his hands on the head of the live goat, confess over it all the iniquities of the children of Israel, and all their transgressions, concerning all their sins, putting them on the head of the goat, and shall send it away into the wilderness by the hand of a suitable man.”

2 Matthew 25:31-35: 31 “When the Son of Man comes in His glory, and all the [a]holy angels with Him, then He will sit on the throne of His glory. 32 All the nations will be gathered before Him, and He will separate them one from another, as a shepherd divides his sheep from the goats. 33 And He will set the sheep on His right hand, but the goats on the left. 34 Then the King will say to those on His right hand, ‘Come, you blessed of My Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world: 35 for I was hungry and you gave Me food; I was thirsty and you gave Me drink; I was a stranger and you took Me in;”

1 Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus was a Roman historian who wrote during the early Imperial era of the Roman Empire. His most important surviving work is a set of biographies of 12 successive Roman rulers from Julius Caesar to Domitian, properly titled De Vita Caesarum. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Suetonius

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Lamb, Rochester Bestiary, c.1230

Rochester Bestiary, f35v. British Library MS. Transcription by Dr Patricia Steward. Translation and commentary by Gabriele Macelletti.

The lamb is prominently featured throughout the Bible, particularly in the context of sacrificial imagery and messianic prophecy.

In the Old Testament, lambs were used as sacrificial animals in the religious rituals of Judaism, symbolizing atonement for sin and submission to God's will (Exodus 29:38-42)¹.

In the New Testament, Jesus Christ is often referred to as the Lamb of God in John NKJV 1:29: “The next day John saw Jesus coming toward him, and said, “Behold! The Lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world!” This emphasizes his role as the ultimate sacrificial offering for the redemption of humanity's sins. This imagery is central to Christian theology and is particularly emphasized in the book of Revelation, where the Lamb is depicted as victorious over evil and worthy of worship (Revelation 5:6-14)².

In Latin literature, particularly in poetic and allegorical works, the lamb was often used to symbolize innocence, purity, and gentleness. This usage draws upon the pastoral tradition, where lambs are portrayed as gentle creatures in idyllic rural settings.

In medieval Christian symbolism, the lamb is closely associated with Jesus Christ, symbolizing his sacrificial death for the redemption of humanity's sins. This imagery underscores the central Christian belief in Christ as the Paschal Lamb³ whose sacrifice brings salvation.

The lamb also represents the Christian faithful, who are seen as followers of Christ and beneficiaries of his sacrificial atonement. The lamb's innocence and purity serve as models for believers to emulate in their spiritual lives.

In eschatological imagery, the lamb is often depicted as a symbol of the final victory of Christ over evil and the establishment of a new, redeemed creation. This imagery is particularly prominent in the book of Revelation, where the Lamb is portrayed as the triumphant ruler of the heavenly kingdom.

Agnus dicitur quasi pius. latini autem hoc nomen
habere putant. eoquod pre ceteris animantibus
is matrem agnoscat. Adeo etiam ut si in magno grege
erret; statim balatu recognoscat vocem parentis. fes-
tinatque ad matrem. lactis quoque materni notos
sibi fontes requirit. Mater vero inter multa ag-
niculorum milia; solum filium novit. Unus est
plurimorum balatus. eadem species. sed illa tamen fetum
suum discernit a ceteris. et solum filium tanto pie-
tatis testimonio recognoscit.

Lamb is regarded as a pious animal. However, the Latins believed that it has this name, for it recognizes its mother, among other animals, so much so that, if it wanders in a large flock, it immediately recognizes the voice of its parents by their bleat, and rushes to its mother. It also seeks out sources of maternal milk familiar to it. Indeed, among the thousands of little lambs, the mother knows only her own cub. There is one bleating among many others of the same species and yet the mother distinguishes her offspring from the others and recognizes only her own cub by showing it great affection.

Endnotes

1 Exodus 29:38-42 New King James Version (NKJV): “One lamb you shall offer in the morning, and the other lamb you shall offer at twilight. With the one lamb shall be one-tenth of an ephah of flour mixed with one-fourth of a hin of pressed oil, and one-fourth of a hin of wine as a drink offering.”

2 Revelation NKJV 5:6-14: “And I looked, [a]and behold, in the midst of the throne and of the four living creatures, and in the midst of the elders, stood a Lamb as though it had been slain, having seven horns and seven eyes, which are the seven Spirits of God sent out into all the earth. 7 Then He came and took the scroll out of the right hand of Him who sat on the throne.”

3 In Judaism, the lamb sacrificed at the first Passover, on the eve of the Exodus from Egypt, the most momentous event in Jewish history. https://www.britannica.com/topic/Paschal-lamb

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Wild goat, Rochester Bestiary, c.1230

Rochester Bestiary, ff20r-20v. British Library MS. Transcription by Dr Patricia Steward. Translation and commentary by Gabriele Macelletti.

The wild goat symbolises resilience, discernment and spiritual healing. As it grazes amidst the rugged terrain, this creature ascends from high pastures to even loftier peaks, embodying the journey of the soul towards greater virtue and enlightenment.

Guided by the keenness of its eyes, the wild goat distinguishes between nourishing grass and harmful foliage, a testament to its discerning nature. Similarly, virtuous preachers, engrossed in the Law of the Lord, traverse the landscape of moral principles, selecting and ruminating upon the wisdom that sustains and uplifts.

Yet, even the mighty goat is not immune to wounds, and when affliction strikes, it seeks solace in the healing properties of the dittany plant. This miraculous herb, akin to Christ himself, offers swift restoration to the wounded soul, expelling the weapons of the adversary and granting forgiveness through the sacrament of confession.

The wild goat's journey mirrors the spiritual odyssey of humankind. Just as the goat ascends from virtue to virtue, so too do believers strive for spiritual growth and enlightenment. In times of tribulation, they turn to Christ, the ultimate healer, whose grace and mercy bring swift redemption and renewal.

Through the lens of nature's wisdom and spiritual insight, the wild goat is symbolic of hope, resilience, and divine compassion. Its story serves as a beacon of inspiration, guiding souls on their quest for inner peace and ultimate redemption.

The wild goat has these characteristics: when grazing, it moves from high to even higher pastures. It discerns good grass from harmful grass owing to the sharpness of its eyes. It chews the cud. When wounded, it hastens to search for the dittany plant and it heals by touching it. Thus, good preachers, who graze on the Law of the Lord and take delight in good pastures and in being good shepherds, ascend from virtue to virtue. They discern good maxims and principles from evil ones and ruminate the chosen ones. That is, they thoroughly examine the good ones and commit the ruminated ones to memory. Those wounded by sin seek the help of Christ, the Source, who expels the devil's weapons from their heart. Once they have confessed their sins, they are healed quickly. Therefore, Christ is compared to the plant dittany.

Sicut enim ditanus ferrum a vulnere depellit; et vul-
nus sanat; ita christus per confessionem diabolum eicit;
et peccatum ignoscit.

In fact, just as the dittany expels iron from a wound and heals it, so Christ, through confession, casts out the Devil and forgives sin.

Endnotes

1 Dictamnus or dictamnum

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Bullock, Rochester Bestiary, c.1230

Rochester Bestiary, f36v. British Library MS. Transcription by Dr Patricia Steward. Translation and commentary by Gabriele Macelletti.

The noble bullock is a creature of both practical utility and profound spiritual significance. Known as iŭvencus, this beast earned its title by helping mankind with tilling the land, serving as a loyal companion in agricultural endeavours. Additionally, the bullock held a sacred role in pagan rituals, often offered as a sacrifice to Jupiter, reflecting its esteemed status in ancient cultures.

Delving into etymology, we uncover the origins of the words for bull and ox, shedding light on linguistic connections that span civilizations. From the Greek ταῦρος/tavros comes the Latin taūrūs for bull and bōs for ox, illustrating the interplay between language and cultural exchange.

Venturing into the exotic realms of India, we encounter bulls of remarkable stature and strength. These tawny-hued creatures possess a swiftness that borders on the miraculous, their very movements seeming to defy gravity. With a mane adorning their nape and a mouth capable of engulfing their entire head, these bulls command a formidable presence. Their flexible and manipulable horns add to their aura of power and dominance, whereas their impenetrable hide renders them impervious to weaponry.

Yet, beneath their formidable exterior lies a fierce spirit, one that refuses to yield even in the face of capture. In a final act of defiance, these indomitable creatures meet their demise with a madness born of their untamed nature.

Through the lens of ancient lore and natural wonder, the bullock emerges as symbolic of strength, resilience, and sacrificial nobility. Its legacy, woven into the fabric of human history, serves as a testament to the enduring bond between men and the animal kingdom.

Iuvencus dicitur eoquod iuvare incipiat hominum
usus in terra colenda. vel quia apud gentiles
iovi semper ubique iuvencus immolabatur. et numquam
taurus. Nam in victimis etiam etas consideratur.
Taurus grecum nomen est sicut et bos. Indicis tauris;
color fulvus est. volucris; pernicitas. pilus; in contra-
rium; versus. hvaiatus omne quod capcitut. Hii quoque
circumferunt cornua flexibilitate qua volunt. Tergi
duricia(corrected from duricie); omne telum respuunt. tam inmiti ferita-
te; ut capti animas furore proiciant

The bullock is called iŭvencus¹, for it helps man to till the land, or for it was this beast that was always sacrificed to Jupiter everywhere among the pagans but never a bull. Age was always taken into consideration with regard to sacrificial victims. The word for bull, taūrūs, comes from the Greek ταῦρος/tavros, so does the word for ox, bōs, βοῦς/voús. The bulls of India are tawny in colour and are so swift-footed that they seem to fly. Hair grows on the nape and their mouth opens to the size of their head. Their horns are flexible and they move them as they wish. Its back and hide are so hard that they repel any weapon. They are so fierce that when they are captured, they give up the ghost in madness.

Endnotes

1 In Latin, the verb iŭvāre means to help.

Jacob Scott 15/10/2024 Jacob Scott 15/10/2024

Cetus, Rochester Bestiary, c.1230

The Cetus[1], or ketos, is a legendary sea monster, possibly the same that swallowed Jonah, so immense that it can be imagined as hell itself. Jonah’s words, "The Lord heard me from the belly of hell," reflect this monstrous comparison. In the vast ocean, the Cetus rises above the waves, covers its enormous back with the ocean’s sand, creating a pseudo-island where shrubs and bushes take root. Mistaking it for a real island, sailors land, anchor their ships and make fires to cook their meals. When the beast feels the heat, it dives suddenly, dragging the ships down with it. This creature symbolises the devil, who similarly ensnares those who place their trust in him, pulling them into the abyss.

The Cetus also has a deceptive nature: when hungry, it opens its mouth, releasing a sweet fragrance. Small fish, lured by the scent, swim into its mouth and when it is full, the Cetus snaps its jaws shut, devouring them all. Larger fish, recognising the danger, swim away. This mirrors the devil, who entices those of weak faith with temptations and flattery, swallowing them up, whereas the faithful saints, wise to his tricks, flee. Just as fools are captivated by sweet scents and perfumes, so too are souls ensnared by the devil’s deceptions, leading to their downfall.

Cetus sive cethe est belua in mari. quasi fuit
illa que excepit ionam. tante magnitudinis
ut putari posset infernus dicente ipso iona. Exau-
divit me dominus de ventre inferi. Hec in medio
pelagi elevat dorsum suum super undas maris. et
tante est magnitudines. ut de sabulo maris per
ventum agitato; fiat planicies super dorsum eius
et quasi certa terra. et arbusta et virgulta ibi
crescunt. Unde navigantes hanc inmobiliter
stare videntes; putant insulam magnam esse.
et applicant naves et palos figunt quibus naves
alligant. et focos faciunt ut cibos coquant. Que

The Cetus or ketos is a sea monster, perhaps the one that swallowed Jonah, of such great size that it could be thought of as hell itself, as Jonah says: 'The Lord heard me from the belly of hell.'[2] This creature, in the midst of the sea, raises its back above the waves and covers it with the sand of the sea and then, a kind of plain takes shape on its back where shrubs and bushes grow. Sailors, seeing it motionless, think it is a large island. They land with their ships, cast anchor and make fires to cook their food.

sentiens ardorem ignis; subito se in aquam mergit et
navem secum trahit. Hec belua figuram diaboli gerit.
qui eos qui spem ponunt in eo et se suis operibus illi obli-
gant. secum in baratrum trahit. Secunda autem natura
huius belue est. quod quando esurit; aperit os suum. et odo-
rem quendam bene olentem exalat de ore eius. cuius
dulcedinem ut sentiunt minores pisces; congregant se in
ore eius. Cum vero senserit os suum repletum; subi-
to claudit os suum et transglutit eos. Magni autem
pisces; fugiunt eam. Sic paciuntur omnes qui sunt modi-
ce fidei. voluptatibus ac lenociniis quasi quibusdam
odoribus diabolicis adescati. subito absorbentur ab
eo. sicut pisciculi minuti. Magne vero fidei sancti in-
telligunt astucias diaboli et fugiunt eas. Unguen-
tis enim et variis odoribus delectantur stulti; ut dicit
scriptura. et sic confringitur anima a ruinis.

When the beast feels the heat of the fire, it suddenly dives into the water, dragging the ship along. This beast symbolises the devil, who drags along down into the abyss those who pin their hopes on him and bind themselves to him through their deeds. The second nature of this beast is that when it is hungry, it opens its mouth and exhales a pleasant fragrance. When the smaller fish sense the sweetness of this scent, they flock into its mouth. When the cetus feels that its mouth is full, it suddenly closes it and swallows them all. On the contrary, the larger fish flee from this beast. Similarly, those of little faith are ensnared by the devil’s temptations and flattery, enticed by his devilish odours and suddenly swallowed by him, just like the small fish. On the contrary, those of great faith, the saints, recognise the devil’s tricks and flee. Fools are delighted by perfumes and various scents, as the scripture says, and thus the soul is shattered.

Endnotes

[1] The word cetus has been Latinized from ketos/kitos. The Greek word for whale is κῆτος/kítos. Cetus could be also translated as whale but the author of the bestiary is referring to the mythological sea monster Cetus because the next folio ff104v describes the whale as being smaller than the cetus monster. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cetus_(mythology)

[2] Jonah KJV 2:2: "And said, I cried by reason of mine affliction unto the Lord, and he heard me; out of the belly of hell cried I, and thou heardest my voice."

KAS 13/10/2024 KAS 13/10/2024

Medieval and Tudor Kent Wills

An index and transcription project of certain Kentish wills.

Leland Lewis Duncan (1862-1923). On his death many of his notebooks were deposited with the Kent Archaeological Society, of which he was a life-time member. What has been typed up below is all that seems to have survived. See Leland L. Duncan for fuller details of his work.

Duncan's transcriptions were in a series of 'exercise books' and bound quarto books, numbered from 1 to 61. In 1934 Rev Bennitt, the Vicar of East Peckham, compiled an index by parish of all the transcriptions in Duncan's books no's 1 to 46 . This index, of over 1,622 entries, plus a further 566 entries from Books 47 to 61 has been typed up by Margaret Broomfield, Dawn Weeks and lately by Pat Tritton, amended in places by Zena Bamping using Duncan's original books where they survive. Below you will find two Indexes, the first by the name of the Testator, second the Place, as detailed by Duncan. This is followed by links to the individual Duncan books in number order, where those Will transcriptions that have survived are being typed up and added to this website. Where the individual page numbers are in blue and underlined, this indicates that the transcription has been added, and by 'clicking' on the 'link' the transcription can be viewed.

Index (jump to)

Index by Deanery (under construction)

Shoreham

Index by Surname

A B C D E F G H I, J, K L M N O P R S T U, V W Y

Index by Deanery

Shoreham

The following list of mediaeval wills for the Shoreham Deanery, which was a peculiar of the Archbishop of Canterbury, was compiled by Leland L. Duncan and recorded in six quarto volumes around 1895. The wills at the time of his writing were all that remained prior to 1600 in the Registers of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury and in the Lambeth Palace Registers.

The 34 parishes which made up the Shoreham Deanery were as follows:- Bexley, Brasted, Chevening, Chiddingstone, Crayford or Eard, St. Mary Cray, Darenth, Downe, Eynsford, East Farleigh, Farningham, Gillingham, The Isle of Grain, Halstead, Hayes, Hever, Hunton, Ifield, Ightham, Keston, Knockholt, Lydsing, East Malling, Meopham, Northfleet, Orpington, Otford, East Peckham, Penshurst, Sevenoaks, Shoreham, Stansted, Sundridge, and Wrotham.

L. L. Duncan : Will Transcriptions in quarto exercise books held at the Kent Archaeological Society's Library in Maidstone. Examined by me, Zena Bamping, in March 2001, who made the following list of wills extracted by Mr Duncan. The originals are written in pencil and seem to be almost complete transcriptions with a few abbreviations, e.g. P for Parish.

Book 1

Book 2

Book 3

Book 4

Book 5

Book 6

Index of Names

Back to Index

A

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Sutton	Robert		1382	24	362
Bishopsbourne	Joh'es		1410	26	669
Cranbrook	Joh'es		1442	23	254
Erith	William	ABELL	1525	09	275
Ringwould	John	ABERE	1516	44	154
Cranbrook	Robert	ABROOKE	1547	40	541
Cranbrook	ROBERT	ABROOKE	1547-02-13	49	75
Hoo	Alice	ABURFURTH	1532	20	448
Lydd	JOHN	ADAME	1497-04-13	58	5
Harietsham	Richard	ADAMES	1523	33	281
Harrietsham	RICHARD	ADAMES	1525-01-27	51	47
West Malling	Joh'es	ADAMS	1523	13	295
Sandwich	Gabriel	ADAMS	1556	46	360
Challock	Robert	ADANE	1558	35	359
Challock	ROBERT	ADANE	1559-10-15	52	87
Dartford	William	ADDESON	1605	14	377
Meopham	Richard	ADENE	1542	06	667
Maidstone	Thomas	AFORDE	1505	33	212
Maidstone	THOMAS	AFORDE	1514-05-08	47	41
Sandhurst	Thomas	ALARD	1481	38	253
Sandhurst	THOMAS	ALARD	1492-05-09	59	48
Lydd	HENRY	ALAYN	1457-11-04	58	7
Goudhurst	Thomas	ALCHORNE	1507	39	398
Goudhurst	THOMAS	ALCHORNE	1507-03-18	54	14
Lydd	AGNES	ALCHORU	1506	58	9
Lydd	JOHN	ALCHORU	1499-06-06	58	8
Lydd	JOHN	ALCHORU Senr	1471-10-07	58	7
Sandwich	Nicholas	ALDAY	1578	44	171
Ash	Thomas	ALDY	1534	37	117
Lydd	SIMON	ALEWEY	1463-12-15	58	10
Canterbury	Nicholas	ALEYN	1483	29	123
Lydd	WILLIAM	ALEYN	1485-02-09	58	6
Stone	William	ALEYN	1510	19	237
St. Nicholas atte Wade	William	ALEYN	1539	45	275
Chalk	Richard	ALEYN	1570	19	225
Lydd	HENRY	ALEYN Jnr	1484-03-11	58	6
Chiddingstone	John	ALFEIGH	1488	02	135
Lydd	SIMON	ALKEN	1506-06-15	58	9
Lydd	JOHN	ALKYN	1503-06-21	58	9
Hastingleigh	Henry	ALLARD	1578	44	184
Canterbury	Joh'es	ALLWYN	1491	29	162
Cray	Richard	ALPE	1483	08	149
Nutfield	Elizabeth	ALPHEFE	1502	18	173
Lydd	EDWARD	ALWAYE	1507-03-18	58	12
Lydd	BEATRICE	ALWAYS	1508	58	12
Lydd	JOAN	ALWAYS	1508	58	13
Lydd	ROBERT	ALWAYS	1508	58	13
Lydd	JOHN	ALWEY	1479-12-16	58	11
Wickham Breaux	Richard	AMBROSE	1554	46	347
Canterbury	Robert	AMBROYS	1315	25	578
Lydd	AGNES	AME	1507-04-19	58	15
Maidstone	John	AMO	1538	20	377
Godmersham	George	AMYAS	1552	46	367
Godmersham	GEORGE	AMYAS	1557-11-23	51	41
Leeds	William	AMYOTE	1492	33	159
Maidstone	WILLIAM	AMYOTE	1492-02-15	47	10
Lydd	JOHN	AMYS	1505-05-07	58	14
Otterden	Janys	ANCHER	1508	31	333
Milton	Robert	ANDREWS	1555	20	470
Darenth	Brian	ANNESLEY	1536	05	584
Crayford	Agnes	APPELTON	1437	01	056
Dartford	John de	APPLETON	1392	07	001
Dartford	Thomas	APPLETON	1483	08	145
Dartford	Roger	APPULTON	1529	09	301
Dartford	Henry	APPULTON	1545	10	383
Lydd	WILLIAM	ARDERU	1501-11-01	58	15
Rochester	Agnes de	AROUNDELL	1401	23	286
Rochester	William	ARUNDEL	1400	23	278
Rochester	Richard de	ARUNDELL	1417	17	023
Lewisham	William	ARUNDELL	1483	02	115
Appledore	Thomas	ASCHERYNDEN	1538	40	468
Appledore	THOMAS	ASCHERYNDEN	1539-11-03	53	42
Chiddingstone	John	ASHDOWN	1488	02	132
Milton	Richard	ASHELEY	1508	19	232
Appledore	John	ASHWELL	1531	37	179
Appledore	JOHN	ASHWELL	1531-06-02	53	37
Appledore	GYLIS	ASSCHERYNDEN	1521-04-28	53	45
Canterbury	William	ASSHELL	1540	31	351
Appledore	Gylis	ASSHERYNDEN	1541	41	664
Ightham	Richard	ASTALL	1546	06	671
Saltwood	Joh'es	ASTONE	1402	23	309
Yalding	William	ASTYN	1522	13	284
East Farleigh	Nicholas	ASTYN	1532	05	563
East Farleigh	Nicholas	ASTYN	1532	19	325
Hunton	Nicholas	ASTYN	1532	19	325
Linton	Mr.	ATTHERST	1513	33	211
Frindesbury	John	ATWOOD	1506	18	196
Ashford	Innocent	AUSTEN	1524	37	166
Charing	INNOCENT	AUSTEN	1528-05-23	51	16
Goudhurst	William	AUSTEN	1531	38	220
Goudhurst	Richard	AUSTEN	1534	40	510
Goudhurst	John	AUSTEN	1547	40	534
Goudhurst	RICHARD	AUSTEN	1555-09-19	54	67
Goudhurst	JOHN	AUSTEN	1567-11-28	54	59
Goudhurst	Percival	AUSTYN	1556	39	375
Goudhurst	PERCIVAL	AUSTYN	1556-02-27	54	69
Bexley	William	AWDEFELDE	1542	02	215
Erith	Thomas	AWNESLEY	1578	09	244
Goudhurst	WILLIAM	AWSTEN	1551-11-07	54	63
Lydd	THOMAS	AYLEWYN	1467-02-18	58	16
Tenterden	Richard	AYLOND	1515	39	444
Tenterden	RYCHARDE	AYLOND	1515-07-13	59	20
Lamberhurst	Joh'es	AYTHERST	1492	12	142

B

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Lydd	BEATRICE	BACE	1505-04-10	58	28
Chislet	Thomas	BACHE	1409	22	211
Lydd	JAMES	BAGOT	1483-05-15	58	27
Lydd	THOMAS	BAGOT	1488-06-12	58	25
Boughton Monchelsea	LAURENCE	BAKER	1458-07-11	52	79
Cranbrook	Thomas	BAKER	1493	37	189
Cranbrook	THOMAS	BAKER	1497-03-04	49	17
Cranbrook	Richard	BAKER	1504	36	003
Cranbrook	RICHARD	BAKER	1504-11-15	49	26
Romney Marsh	CLEMENT	BAKER	1516-03-26	57	3
Canterbury	John	BAKER	1530	41	667
Chislehurst	John	BAKER	1538	39	401
High Halden	JOHN	BAKER	1543-06-12	53	6
Staplehurst	John	BAKER	1558	39	401
Wittersham	Lawrence	BAKER	1558	35	367
Cranbrook	JOHN SIR	BAKER	1558-01-30	50	112
Wittersham	LAURENCE	BAKER	1559-12-09	53	64
Maidstone	William	BAKERE	1416	21	074
Chislehurst	John	BAKERE	1557	41	636
Sandwich	William	BALDOCKE	1528	44	222
Greenwich	Gregory	BALLARD	1415	21	083
Wingham	William	BALLE	1450	21	050
Gillingham	Edmund	BAME	1505	03	266
Cranbrook	Nicholas	BANDGER	1596	26	697
Hever	William	BANSTRET	1523	04	394
Wrotham	John	BARBAR	1549	06	680
Romney	Clement	BARER	1575	36	024
Newenden	John	BARKER	1524	37	158
Newenden	JOHN	BARKER	1525-05-24	60	27
Ightham	William	BARLEY	1541	06	661
Boxley	Robert de	BARNE	1361	32	058
Langley	Ed.	BARNEFELDE	1501	33	188
Langley	EDWARD	BARNFELDE	1502-04-04	51	79
Cranbrook	THOMAS	BAROW	1507-05-06	49	30
Lydd	THOMAS	BARRE	1502-01-27	58	27
Cranbrook	Richard	BARRE	1538	40	466
Cranbrook	RICHARD	BARRE	1539-09-18	49	62
Cranbrook	Thomas	BARROW	1507	39	396
Yalding	William	BARWORTH	1510	13	244
Lydd	JAMES	BASE	1497-02-16	58	28
Lydd	WILLIAM	BATE	1478-06-18	58	24
Lydd	MARGARET	BATE	1491-01-17	58	23
Lydd	THOMAS	BATE	1491-03-03	58	24
Lydd	JAMES	BATE	1492-03-15	58	20
Lydd	JOHN	BATE	1498-06-21	58	20
Lydd	MARGERY	BATE	1499-06-06	58	21
Goudhurst	Roger	BATE	1506	38	284
Goudhurst	ROGER	BATE	1506-06-24	54	5
Sandhurst	John	BATE	1560	26	660
Horsmonden	Stephen	BATE	1721	16	613
Lydd	HENRY	BATE (BATH)	1478-08-14	58	18
Lydd	THOMAS	BATE Snr	1486-04-19	58	23
Dartford	Richard	BATTE	1488	08	158
Goudhurst	Richard	BAYKYNDEN	1512	39	399
Boxley	Richard	BAYLLY	1412	22	223
Boxley	EDWARD	BAYNBRIDGE	1500-05-16	52	27
Boxley	Ed.	BAYNBRIGG	1499	33	182
Greenwich	Thomas	BEAUFORT	1426	22	134
Maidstone	Margaret	BEAWLEY	1526	33	291
Maidstone	JOHN	BEAWLEY	1526-02-09	47	68
Maidstone	MARGARET	BEAWLEY	1526-02-09	47	70
Maidstone	John	BEAWLEY	1536	33	294
Hoo	John	BEDYL	1498	18	158
Sevenoaks	Walter	BEDYLL	1508	04	341
Boxley	Robert	BEE	1487	18	157
Rochester	Robert	BEE	1487	18	137
Tonbridge	Cuthbert	BEECHER	1537	15	473
Speldhurst	William	BEECHER	1543	15	568
Milton	Thomas	BEELE	1453	21	020
Sevenoaks	John	BEELE	1471	01	087
Southfleet	William	BEERE	1471	18	116
Stone	Thomas	BEKENDEN	1523	37	151
Lydd	THOMAS	BEKET	1486-06-07	58	29
Lydd	ROGER	BEKYNTON	1501-11-11	58	29
Lydd	RICHARD	BENEFELDE	1494-04-18	58	30
Lydd	WILLIAM	BENETT	1477-07-31	58	30
Minster	Thomas	BENETT	1501	43	103
Strood	William	BENTON	1508	18	211
Cranbrook	Elisia	BEREHAM	1381	24	435
Dartford	Kateryn	BERKELEY	1526	09	285
Selling	Joh'es	BERNES	1467	43	035
Middleton	John	BERY	1505	30	256
Cray	Richard	BERY	1508	04	341
Goudhurst	John	BESPICHE	1528	37	172
Goudhurst	JOHN	BESPICHE	1528-10-17	54	26
Farningham	Richard	BEST	1533	09	325
Ash	Robert	BEST	1538	38	280
Shorne	Joh'es de	BEUELE	1380	25	487
Headcorn	John	BEUERLE	1380	24	458
Maidstone	Richard	BICKENDEN	1515	33	256
Cranbrook	Richard	BICKENDEN	1571	33	256
Maidstone	RYCHARDE	BICKENDEN/BREKENDEN	1512-05-13	47	34
Chalk	Rdt.	BIFELD	1481	41	577
Appledore	ROBERT	BIFIELD	1482-05-24	53	23
Cranbrook	Richard	BIGGE	1533	37	101
Cranbrook	RICHARD	BIGGE	1533-08-05	49	56
Hawkhurst	JOHN	BIRKHED	1467-10-05	60	3
Hoo	William	BIRKLEY	1472	18	101
Bredgar	Stevyn	BIRLING	1551	31	404
Swingfield	Richard	BISCHOPE	1541	45	277
Borstall	John	BISHOP OF SALISBURY	1395	46	388
Yalding	Iden	BISSHOPP	1545	16	578
Bearsted	HENRY	BIXBIETH	1472-01-15	52	38
Bearsted	Henry	BIXGRETTE	1471	14	383
Newenden	JAMES	BLAKE	1553-04-12	60	30
Maidstone	Thomas	BLANKET	1573	33	214
Maidestone	THOMAS	BLANKETT	1513-07-09	47	38
Newenden	James	BLOKE	1553	42	730
Wrotham	Christopher	BLOOER	1551	06	682
Rainham	William	BLOORE	1530	28	014
Lydd	THOMAS	BLOSSOM	1483-11-06	58	30
Lydd	JOHN	BLOSSOM	1499-04-18	58	31
Meopham	Martin	BLOUNDELL	1483	02	116
Snodland	Richard	BLOUNT	1519	19	255
Rainham	John	BLOWER	1573	30	244
Cranbrook	John	BLUBERY	1517	37	143
Cranbrook	John	BLUBERY	1517	37	143
Cranbrook	JOHN	BLUBERY	1517-03-22	49	42
Lydd	WILLIAM	BOCHER	1492-12-13	58	32
Beckenham	Elys	BODLEY	1547	10	406
Cray	John	BODYAM	1572	08	231
Canterbury	John	BOKER	1530	41	667
Hever	William	BOLEYN	1505	08	223
Hollingbourne	JOHN	BOLLAY	1518-02-11	51	74
Hollingbourne	John	BOLLEY	1500	33	184
Hollingbourne	John	BOLLEY	1500	33	273
Hollingbourne	JOHN	BOLLEY	1501-06-08	51	71
Lydd	WILHAM	BOMFILDE	1509	58	32
Chiddingstone	William	BONDE	1523	04	387
Sevenoaks	Thomas	BONE	1486	02	122
Stone	Anne	BONEFANT	1497	18	165
Headcorn	Ed.	BOORMAN	1589	26	634
Crayford	Joh'es	BORLE	1372	25	543
Doddington	John	BORNE	1507	33	128
Tonbridge	William	BOROUGH	1529	13	327
Chalk	Thomas	BOSWYN	1500	18	184
Snodland	William	BOTELER	1466	17	076
Bromley	Randolf	BOTHE	1481	08	142
Lympne	William	BOTTESHAM	1399	23	272
Trottiscliffe	Joh'es	BOTTESHAM	1404	23	312
Sandwich	Thomas	BOUKELEY	1490	43	079
Woolwich	Thomas	BOULKELEY	1490	43	079
Rochester	John	BOULTON	1557	20	462
Leigh	Richard	BOURBAGE	1435	22	167
Boxley	THOMAS	BOURCGCHIER	1512-02-05	52	28
Boxley	Thomas	BOURGCHIER	1512	33	201
Linton	Joh'es	BOURGHARD	1482	32	051
Sittingbourne	Edward	BOURLAS	1543	28	032
Boxley	Robert de	BOURNE	1361	17	001
Trottiscliffe	Henry	BOUSFELL	1544	15	569
Eastling	Ed.	BOWDON	1545	31	425
Lydd	ROBERT	BOWNDE	1487-06-21	58	35
Chart	Robert	BOWREMAN	1460	32	078
Staplehurst	Thomas	BOWRYNG	1475	32	011
Staplehurst	THOMAS	BOWRYNG	1475-about	56	17
Bobbing	John	BOX	1494	30	221
Northfleet	Thomas	BOYDON	1508	04	355
Sandwich	John	BOYES	1532	45	232
Nonington	John	BOYS	1532	45	232
Biddenden	Thomas	BRADBRIGG	1467	11	058
Lydd	THOMAS	BRADFORDE	1479-01-27	58	33
Faversham	Johane	BRAMFELD	1504	30	279
Canterbury	Robert	BRAMLYNG	1492	30	227
Harbledown	Robert	BRAMLYNG	1493	30	227
Northfleet	Thomas	BRAMPSTON	1511	03	282
Knockholt	William	BRAMPTON	1406	01	010
Northfleet	John	BRAMSTON	1532	05	557
Boxley	Robert de	BRAUNCEPATH	1361	17	005
Rochester	Robert de	BRAUNCEPATH	1393	17	005
Hawkhurst	Ed.	BRAY	1557	32	001
Hawkhurst	EDWARD	BRAY	1558-04-14	60	20
Biddenden	Simon de	BREDON	1372	25	521
Lydd	THOMAS	BREGE atte	1443	58	34
Cranbrook	John	BREKENDEN	1504	36	011
Cranbrook	JOHN	BREKENDEN	1504-11-04	49	28
Milton	William	BREKESTON	1449	28	056
Brenchley	Johanna	BRENCHESLE	1453	21	025
Canterbury	William	BRENCHLEY	1406	23	333
Brenchley	Thomas Robert de	BRENCHLEY	1508	13	234
Canterbury	Roger	BRENT	1486	29	157
Charing	William	BRENT	1495	36	002
Charing	WILLIAM	BRENT	1495-02-19	51	1
Allington	Robert	BRENTA	1491	12	129
Sutton at Hone	William	BRESWELL	1544	10	399
Sandwich	John	BRIKLISWORTH	1420	22	101
Appledore	William	BRISKKILL	1519	41	580
Lamberhurst	Richard	BRODE	1525	13	303
Beckenham	William	BROGRAVE	1504	08	207
Sevenoaks	Clemens	BROKE	1510	04	370
West Malling	John	BROKE	1510	13	247
Harietsham	William	BROKE	1525	33	282
Preston	William	BROKE	1525	33	200
Harrietsham	WILLIAM	BROKE	1525-02-09	51	48
Cobham	Thomas	BROKE	1529	09	317
Stalisfield	Agnes	BROKE	1562	26	664
Lydd	WILLIAM	BROKER	1482-06-11	58	35
Lydd	JOAN	BROKER	1486-07-28	58	35
Lydd	RICHARD	BROKER	1494-07-17	58	36
East Peckham	Ralph	BROKES	1507	03	273
Lydd	ALICE	BROKHIL	1507-01-16	58	38
Lydd	THOMAS	BROKHILL	1502-01-27	58	36
Lydd	WILLIAM	BROKHILL	1505-11-13	58	37
Appledore	WILLIAM	BROKHILL	1519-02-01	53	26
Ivychurch	William	BROKKILL	1519	41	580
Lydd	JOAN	BROKMAN	1463-12-15	58	38
Saltwood	Joh'es	BROKULL	1383	24	366
Wingham	Robert atte	BROME	1372	25	532
Lydd	JAMES	BROME	1495-07-02	58	39
Rochester	Thomas	BRONS	1445	26	700
Marden	Stephyn	BRONYNGBURY	1479	32	043
Marden	STEPHEN	BRONYNGBURY	1479-10-25	56	2
Cowden	Joh'es	BROOK	1415	21	087
Cobham	Thomas	BROOK	1438	07	061
Maidstone	James	BROWN	1488	33	161
West Malling	John	BROWN	1488	11	109
Maidstone	JAMES	BROWN	1488/9-01-05	47	9
Canterbury	Raufe	BROWNE	1522	30	312
Aylesford	Ed.	BROWNE	1536	15	460
Romney	Johanne	BROWNFOLD	1504	30	279
Sandwich	Will	BRUGES	1449	21	058
Preston	Thomas	BRUMSTON	1424	22	125
Preston	Thomas	BRUNSTON	1424	22	125
Cranbrook	RICHARD	BRYKYNDEN	1511-03-15	49	36
Birling	George	BRYMLEY	1522	13	293
Faversham	John	BRYNGBORNE	1545	31	357
Rochester	Thomas de	BRYNTONE	1389	24	387
Aylesford	John	BRYSE	1588	26	609
Frindesbury	Johanna	BRYUYN	1462	17	063
Hartlip	William	BULBET	1432	22	158
Yalding	Joh'es	BURGEYS	1376	24	411
Goudhurst	John	BURGEYS	1509	36	047
Goudhurst	JOHN	BURGEYS	1509-10-10	54	18
Lamberhurst	William	BURGOYNE	1423	11	034
Halstead	William	BURGS	1444	21	032
Dartford	Richard	BURLETON	1504	08	211
Boxley	ROBERT	BURNE, DE	1385-04	52	21
Goudhurst	Alexander	BURR	1507	38	286
Goudhurst	ALLEXANDER	BURR	1507-03-05	54	12
Queenborough	Joh'es	BURTON	1419	28	071
Kingsdown	William	BURTON	1437	28	077
Orpington	Henry	BURTON	1464	01	075
Chiddingstone	Bartholomew de	BURWAYSCH	1369	25	496
Linton	Thomas	BUSSHOPP	1539	35	361
Penshurst	William	BUTCHIN	1552	06	702
Farningham	Otwell	BUTLER	1508	04	346
Chalk	Robert	BYFFELDE	1504	18	178
Canterbury	William	BYLLYNTON	1444	21	035
Herne	William	BYSMER	1453	43	021
Sutton East	Nycholas	BYSSOPPE	1559	35	365

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

C

Canterbury	William	CALONE	1485	11	082
Maidstone	Joh'es	CAMBERTON	1505	32	025
Maidstone	JOHN	CAMBERTON	1506-04-02	47	27
Wingham	Robert	CAMELL	1495	43	092
Milton	Thomas	CANDOUR	1475	18	113
Lydd	JOHN	CARBYE	1501-03-04	58	45
Thanet, Isle of	Thomas	CARDYFF	1510	44	152
Farningham	Gilbert	CARLETON	1500	03	257
Hartlip	William	CARPENTER	1517	30	236
Tenterden	William	CARPINTER	1530	37	176
Tenterden	WILLIAM	CARPINTER	1530-06-30	59	25
Tonbridge	Richard	CARTER	1488	12	126
East Malling	Esmond	CARTWRIGHT	1553	15	520
West Malling	Edmond	CARTWRIGHT	1553	15	520
Higham	Thomas	CASTELL	1459	17	045
Bexley	Henry	CASTILAYN	1407	23	334
Smarden	Thomas	CATCHPOOLE	1553	34	283
Smarden	THOMAS	CATCHPOOLE	1553-03-04	53	85
Leyborne	Thomas	CATELEYNE	1442	11	001
Rochester	John	CATELL	1481	18	135
West Malling	William	CATELYN	1499	12	168
Sandwich	Henry	CATHERELL	1425	22	130
Yalding	Joh'es	CATTYS	1488	11	098
Lydd	THOMAS	CAUSTON or CAXTON	1495-08-10	58	46
Woodchurch	William	CAVE	1413	21	070
Halling	William	CAWLEY	1425	17	028
Bexley	Robert	CAWODE	1464	01	070
Lydd	MARTYN	CAYSAR	1499-06-06	58	47
East Peckham	John	CAYSER	1491	02	168
Maidstone	RICHARD	CHALKHILL	1482-08-13	47	6
Maidstone	Richard	CHALKILL	1482	32	133
Faversham	William	CHALLOCK	1475	29	211
Wingham	Robert	CHALUER	1541	45	272
Adisham	Robert	CHALYNER	1543	45	310
Rochester	Elianor	CHAMBER	1533	31	417
Meresham	John	CHAMBER	1548	34	266
Cray	Walter	CHAMPION	1533	09	333
Charing	William	CHAPMAN	1431	22	153
Shorne	John	CHAPMAN	1544	20	469
Ivychurch	Robert de	CHARWELTON	1368	25	556
Brasted	John'es	CHAUNDLER	1431	22	154
Aylesford	John	CHEESEMAN	1505	12	202
Folkestone	Katherine	CHEESEMAN	1589	26	629
Lydd	STEPHEN	CHEESEMAN Snr	1489-04-30	58	49
Canterbury	Walter	CHELTENHAM	1385	24	371
Charing	Thomas	CHERELL	1540	38	304
Charing	THOMAS	CHERELL	1540-07-07	51	19
Yalding	William	CHERSOMDE?	1558	16	667
Rochester	Edmunde	CHERTSEY	1474	18	126
Lydd	WILLIAM	CHERYTON	1548-06-26	57	41
Lydd	PETER	CHESEMAU	1498-06-21	58	51
Stone	Roger of	CHESTER	1422	22	121
Eastchurch	William	CHEYNE	1441	22	206
Minster	Thomas	CHEYNE	1558	31	386
Otford	Isabell	CHEYNN	1508	04	372
Sittingbourne	John	CHEYNY	1527	28	007
Tonbridge	John of	CHILDERING	1524	13	298
Staplehurst	Stephyn	CHIRCHE	1484	32	040
Staplehurst	STEPHYN	CHIRCHE	1484-10-30	56	20
Faversham	Nicholas	CHOWNE	1493	30	231
Canterbury	Roger	CHURCHE	1524	30	311
Middleton	Radulph	CHYCHE	1504	30	259
West Malling	Joh'es	CHYNALER	1417	11	021
Canterbury	Thomas Duke of	CLARENCE	1417	22	123
Cobham	John de	CLAVERING	1408	07	033
Seal	Richard	CLEARKE	1585	27	733
East Farleigh	William	CLEEVE	1558	20	464
Sevenoaks	Robert	CLEMENS	1537	05	601
Gillingham	Joh'es	CLEMENT	1407	23	336
Newington	Thomas	CLEMENT	1471	29	186
East Malling	Richard	CLEMENT	1518	03	322
Ightham	Richard	CLEMENT	1538	05	605
Canterbury	Joh'es	CLENDON	1416	21	073
Penshurst	Joh'es	CLERK	1431	11	028
Lydd	ALEXANDER	CLERK	1492-10-25	58	52
Eynsford	William	CLERK	1508	04	339
Wrotham	John	CLERKE	1480	01	110
Lydd	ROBERT	CLERKE	1483-06-25	58	52
Bexley	John	CLERKE	1527	04	395
Coxheath	William	CLEVE	1558	06	735
Stone	Richard	CLIFFORD	1416	22	118
Canterbury	Kateryn	CLYCHE	1525	44	202
Crayford	Joh'es	CLYDEROWE	1434	22	168
Northfleet	Nicholas	CLYFFORDE	1546	06	693
Leeds	Thomas	CLYNTON	1415	21	071
Brenyett	Clement	COBBE	1557	42	722
Brenzett	CLEMENT	COBBE	1557-07-13	57	56
Newchurch	ROBERT	COBBES	1509-02-11	57	24
Cobham	Thomas de	COBHAM	1367	25	554
Chiddingstone	Johanna de	COBHAM	1369	27	758
Penshurst	William de	COBHAM	1375	24	417
Hever	Joh'es	COBHAM	1394	23	267
Cobham	Randulph de	COBHAM	1402	07	025
Boxley	Reginald de	COBHAM	1405	23	330
Chiddingstone	Reginald	COBHAM	1446	26	707
Charing	John	COCKES	1545	40	521
Egerton	John	COCKES	1545	40	521
Midley	JOHN	COCKES	1546-04-19	57	48
Erith	John	COCOCK	1523	09	259
Yalding	Thomas	CODDE	1494	12	185
Yalding	Joh'es	CODDE	1502	12	197
Adisham	John	CODINGTON	1369	25	506
Lydd	WILLIAM	COK	1477-03-08	58	53
Wye	Nicholas	COKE	1441	46	355
Smarden	Nicholas	COKE	1541	46	355
Lydd	MARGARY	COKERAM	1488-09-25	58	53
Lydd	ROBERT	COKERAM	1508-05-11	58	43
Lydd	WILLIAM	COKERED	1508	58	42
Lydd	ISABELLE	COKERYD	1508	58	42
Lydd	JOAN	COKERYD	1490-06-16	58	40
Lydd	JOHN	COKERYD Snr	1479-04-01	58	40
Lydd	RICHARD	COKRYDE	1455	58	39
Gillingham	John	COKSECHE	1533	05	585
Burham	Robert	COLBY	1460	17	046
Seal	Robert	COLBY	1460	17	046
Goudhurst	Constance	COLEPEPER	1541	42	689
Lamberhurst	Alex	COLLEN	1549	13	305
Chislet	Joh'es	COLLEWELL	1382	24	363
West Peckham	Galfridus	COLPEPER	1389	24	399
Tonbridge	Thomas	COLPEPER	1428	22	139
Combwell	Nicholas	COLPEPER	1434	22	173
Goudhurst	Thomas	COLPEPER	1537	42	763
Goudhurst	Alex	COLPEPER	1540	42	677
Goudhurst	ALEXAUNDER	COLPEPER	1541-10-04	54	28
West Peckham	Joh'es	COLPEPIR	1413	21	063
Goudhurst	CONSTANCE	COLPEPIR	1542-11-13	54	37
East Peckham	Thomas	COLT	1529	15	538
Yalding	Thomas	COLT	1529	15	538
Faversham	Robert	COLWELL	1589	26	621
Cranbrook	Thomas	COLYAR	1524	37	152
Cranbrook	THOMAS	COLYAR	1525-03-21	49	49
Wrotham	John	COLYN	1488	01	151
Lydd	STEPHEN	COLYN	1489-07-09	58	41
Lydd	MARGARET	COLYN	1494-04-18	58	53
Lydd	HENRY	COLYN Jnr	1481-07-27	58	41
Sutton Valence	Thomas	COLYNS	1502	33	196
Sheppey	Alice	COMBRETON	1474	29	195
St. Nicholas atte Wade	Nicholas	CONSAUNT	1519	44	173
Sevenoaks	William	CONSTABLE	1559	06	752
Beckenham	Joh'es	CONVERSE/KELSHULL	1439	07	053
Otford	Thomas	COOKE	1464	01	061
Bexley	Henry	COOKE	1551	05	624
Faversham	John	COOLE	1535	30	330
Rainham	Robert	COOTE	1579	28	038
Tenterden	Stephyn	COPER	1551	38	228
Tenterden	STEPHYN	COPER	1551-10-10	59	27
Davington	Rauffe	COPPINGER	1530	31	363
Sutton East	William	COPYNGER	1512	37	122
Longfield	Richard	CORDON	1452	21	014
Rainham	Thomas	CORNELL	1507	30	293
Marden	Thomas	CORNELL	1552	34	280
Marden	THOMAS	CORNELL	1552-03-16	56	11
Cranbrook	WILLIAM	COSSCHEMAN	1500-10-05	49	24
Cranbrook	William	COSSCHEMANN	1500	36	073
Aylesford	William	COSYNGTON	1464	11	054
Lydd	JOHN	COTER (COTTOR)	1497-02-16	58	54
Dartford	Thomas	COTYER	1504	08	213
Birling	William	COUMBYS	1452	17	012
Snodland	William	COUMBYS	1452	17	012
Linton	Margeria	COUNSELL	1485	32	054
Cranbrook	Alex	COURTHOP	1542	41	662
Cranbrook	ALEXANDAR	COURTHOP	1542-07-14	49	71
Teston	Thomas	COVENEY	1515	13	280
West Farleigh	Thomas	COVENEY	1515	13	280
West Farleigh	John	COVENEY	1551	15	479
East Malling	Thomas	COWHERT	1490	02	154
Herne	William	COWPER	1539	45	266
Hette	William	COWPER	1539	45	266
Hawkhurst	Joh'es	CRANE	1415	21	069
Hawkhurst	JOHN	CRANE	1415-10-30	60	24
Hever	Robert	CRANEWELL	1556	06	749
Rochester	Thomas	CRESSENT	1546	20	412
Eynsford	Joh'es	CRESSET	1415	21	072
Sutton at Hone	William	CRESWELL	1544	10	399
Warden	Thomas	CREWE	1546	28	036
Lydd	JOHN	CROCHEMAN	1495-03-09	58	54
Lydd	WILLIAM	CROCHEMAN	1499-06-06	58	55
Canterbury	Hugh	CROMPTON	1545	31	355
Erith	William	CROSBY	1458	07	080
Mereworth	Richard	CROSSE	1492	12	137
West Farleigh	Richard	CROSSE	1492	12	137
Brenchley	William	CROTYNDEN	1510	12	219
Chatham	John	CROWCH	1492	18	150
Rochester	John	CROWCH	1492	18	150
Lewisham	Elizabeth	CROWE	1589	26	722
West Wickham	William	CROWLAND	1521	09	253
Wingham	Joh'es	CRULL	1430	43	015
Langdon	Nicholas	CRYEL	1379	24	446
Westgate on Sea	John	CRYELL	1542	34	258
Rolvenden	Thomas	CRYOR	1513	37	120
Rolvenden	THOMAS	CRYOR	1513-04-27	59	36
Goudhurst	THOMAS	CULPEPER	1558-10-20	54	70
Speldhurst	Joane	CURDE	1613	26	679
Sittingbourne	Margaret	CURLE	1543	28	027
Wingham	William	CURTEIS	1508	44	143
Lynsted	Robert	CURTEYS	1464	28	100
West Malling	Joh'es	CURTHOPE	1418	11	016
Cranbrook	John	CURTOP	1527	37	163
Maidstone	John	CURTOP	1527	37	163
Cranbrook	JOHN	CURTOP	1527-01-07	49	54
Cranbrook	Thomas	CUSSH	1514	36	015
Cranbrook	THOMAS	CUSSHEMAN	1514-07-27	49	37
Rochester	Joh'es	CUSTE	1449	21	049
Crayford	John	CUTTE	1539	05	641

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

D

Erith	Richard	DADDY	1505	08	215
Cobham	John	DAGVILE	1477	43	041
Lydd	THOMAS	DANIELL Snr	1484-07-01	58	58
Lydd	WILLIAM	DANYELL	1463-12-15	58	55
Lydd	JOHN	DANYELL	1487-06-21	58	56
Lydd	JOAN	DANYELL	1490-05-13	58	57
Lydd	WILLIAM	DANYELL	1501-12-12	58	58
Lydd	RICHARD	DANYELL	1502-01-27	58	59
Lydd	THOMAS	DANYELL	1502-01-27	58	59
Chart	John	DARELL	1509	36	061
Little Chart	JOHN SIR	DARELL	1509-02-04	51	24
Lamberhurst	Henry	DARELL	1536	14	450
Lamberhurst	Thomas	DARELL	1537	16	650
Chart	Joh'es	DARELLE	1438	22	193
Penshurst	Walter	DARKNOLD	1505	03	280
Westwell?	John	DARRELL	1509	06	755
Westerham	Brian	DARTTINOLL	1608	27	739
Northfleet	Richard	DAVEY	1490	02	160
Northfleet	Alice	DAVEY	1531	05	559
Tenterden	Joh'es	DAVY	1467	40	495
Tenterden	JOHN	DAVY	1468-10-22	59	2
Maidstone	Thomas	DAVY	1509	33	225
Maidstone	THOMAS	DAVY	1509-07-13	47	28
West Malling	Robert	DAYLL	1522	13	294
Lydd	JOHN	DECON	1497-05-11	58	60
Woolwich	Philip	DENE	1448	21	049
West Malling	Alicia	DENE	1455	11	038
Maidstone	THOMAS	DENLEY	1493/4-03-06	47	12
Canterbury	John	DENMAN	1535	31	365
Rochester	John	DENMAN	1535	31	365
Seal	John	DENMAN	1535	31	365
West Wickham	Thomas	DENYS	1479	08	147
Queenborough	Andrew	DEVYMYSH	1533	30	318
Leysdown	Andrew	DEVYNYSHE	1533	30	318
Barham	Roger	DIGG	1375	24	432
Bishopsbourne	Joh'es	DIGGE	1375	24	421
Barham	James	DIGGES	1535	05	647
Lympne	William	DILNOT	1509	46	376
Faversham	William	DILNOT	1539	46	374
Faversham	William	DILNOT	1559	46	374
Southborough	Joh'es	DODDE	1488	12	119
Eltham	Walter	DOGET	1387	24	378
Thanet, Isle of	John	DOKELYNG	1508	44	140
Romney	Waulter	DOLMAN	1393	39	417
Romney Marsh	WAULTER	DOLMAN	1449-10-15	57	1
Eynsford	John	DONETT	1465	01	065
Beckenham	John	DONS	1535	09	323
Dover	William	DORCESTRE	1409	43	001
Chiddingstone	Richard of	DOVER	1544	45	293
East Peckham	Thomas	DOWNE	1487	02	152
Yalding	Johane	DOWNE	1541	15	544
East Peckham	John a	DOWNE	1542	06	662
Lydd	JOHN	DOWNE a	1505-06-18	58	60
Lydd	LAWRENCE	DOWNE a	1505-06-18	58	61
Brenchley	William	DOWNER	1469	11	051
Wickham Breaux	James	DOWNES	1528	44	216
Cranbrook	STEPHEN	DRANER	1539-12-15	49	69
Erith	Thomas	DRAPER	1520	09	251
Cranbrook	Stephen	DRAUER	1539	40	477
Horton	Richard	DRAYTON	1464	43	030
Faversham	William	DRYLOND	1492	30	235
Brasted	Stephen	DUMMERIGHT	1557	06	715
Swanscomb	William	DUNE	1550	20	442
Maidstone	Stevyn	DUNHOWE	1524	34	216
Maidstone	STEVYN	DUNMOWE	1524-02-23	47	62
Dartford	William	DUNSTAPLE	1404	23	328
Lydd	MARION	DURDSON	1499-06-06	58	61
Newington	Thomas	DYGGIS	1543	31	360
Canterbury	Anne	DYGGS	1509	30	240
Lydd	ELIZABETH	DYNE	1498-12-20	58	62
Lydd	ROBERT	DYNE	1508-09-23	58	63
Shipburne	John	DYNE	1517	13	265
Middleton	Peter	DYNGLEY	1486	29	151
Benenden	John	DYNGYLDEN	1535	37	111
Rolvenden	John	DYNGYLDEN	1535	37	111
Rolvenden	JOHN	DYNGYLDEN	1535-07-02	59	39

E+F

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Sevenoaks	William	EASTLANDER	1633	27	757
Horsmonden	Robert	EDMEDE	1538	16	626
Monkton	Stephen	EDMOND	1425	22	128
Brenyett	Robert	EDOLFF	1539	39	360
Brenzett	ROBERT	EDOLFF	1557-03-18	57	51
Lydd	THOMAS	EDRYK	1503	58	63
Lydd	JOHN	EDRYK	1494-	58	63
Lydd	MARGARET	EDRYK	1507-02-04	58	64
Thanet, Isle of	William	EDWARD	1487	43	074
Benenden	William	EDYNDEN	1508	38	297
Benenden	WILLIAM	EDYNDEN	1508-05-17	60	42
Rochester	Thomas	ELBREBBE	1459	17	044
Wouldham	Thomas	ELBRIGGE	1459	17	044
Yalding	Robert	ELFEGH	1526	14	341
Rayham	Jaffrey	ELMYSTON	1576	29	143
Lydd	LAURENCE	ELYS	1503	58	68
Maidstone	Joh'es	ELYS	1467	32	131
Otham	John'es	ELYS	1467	32	104
Cliffe	Richard	ELYS	1468	01	081
Lydd	WILLIAM	ELYS	1480-06-22	58	68
Chart	John	ENGEHAM	1514	39	458
Great Chart	JOHN	ENGEHAM	1517-04-25	53	75
Rochester	Richard	ENGISTE	1544	20	438
Tenterden	Mary	ESSON	1558	38	255
Tenterden	MARY	ESSON	1559-05-03	59	31
Saltwood	Joh'es	ESTCOURT	1427	22	136
Benenden	ROBERT	EVENDEN	1558-01-14	60	62
Chiddingstone	Ed.	EVERIST	1615	26	676
Benenden	Robert	EVERNDEN	1558	41	653
Yalding	William	EVOT	1403	11	024
Yalding	Joh'es	EVOTE	1435	11	036
Dartford	Thomas	EWEN	1501	08	175
Canterbury	Thomas	EYER	1505	30	296
Tonbridge	Joh'es	FANE	1488	11	091
Tonbridge	Thomas	FANE	1532	14	408
Hadlow	Henry	FANE	1533	14	423
Hadlow	Richard	FANE	1541	15	470
Tudeley	Richard	FANE	1541	15	470
East Peckham	John	FANE	1542	15	545
Tonbridge	John	FANE	1542	15	545
West Malling	John	FARM	1501	12	188
Hope	Joh'nes	FASTOLFE	1417	39	430
Sandwich	Joh'es	FAYRHOOD	1419	43	010
Biddenden	Stephen	FEENSCHE	1508	36	053
Cray	Thomas	FEERBY	1464	07	096
Maidstone	Thomas	FELD	1419	21	089
Canterbury	John	FENKYLL	1529	29	117
Seal	James	FENYS	1449	26	702
Cray	Thomas	FEREBY	1531	09	299
Lydd	JOHN	FERMOR or GODFREY	1510-09-09	58	81
Lydd	SIMON	FERMOR otherwise called Godfrey	1463-12-15	58	75
Cray	Andrew	FERREBY	1505	08	225
Hadlow	Edward	FERRES	1535	05	586
Halling	John	FETPLACE	1464	17	066
Burham	Richard	FEYDAY	1544	20	424
St. Margaret at Cliffe	William	FINNES	1589	26	731
Maidstone	Richard	FISSHER	1523	34	218
Maidstone	RICHARD	FISSHER	1523-01-08	47	61
Aylesford	Elizabeth	FISSHER	1526	33	297
Maidstone	Elizabeth	FISSHER	1526	33	297
Maidstone	ELIZABETH	FISSHER	1526-11-07	47	64
East Malling	Edmund	FLATCHERE	1540	05	638
Benenden	John	FLETE	1556	41	653
Biddenden	JOHN	FLETE	1560-07-12	55	27
Ashford	THOMAS	FOGGES	1512-10-16	52	3
Canterbury	Johanna	FOOG	1419	22	100
Bapchild	David	FORMYGER	1512	37	125
Appledore	THOMAS	FOSTER	1544-05-21	53	47
Goudhurst	Thomas	FOULE	1513	39	451
Goudhurst	THOMAS	FOULE	1514-03-31	54	21
Lamberhurst	Thomas	FOWLE	1525	13	300
Saltwood	Joh'es	FRAUNCEYS	1411	23	225
Tonbridge	Richard	FRAYE	1534	15	516
Penshurst	Richard	FRECOK	1468	01	083
Wittersham	RICHARD	FREND	1557-05-16	53	61
Biddenden	STEPHEN	FRENSCHE	1508-03-16	55	5
Gillingham	Ed.	FRENTE	1556	06	728
Wittersham	Richard	FREUD	1556	35	322
Aldington	Walter	FRILOND	1375	24	437
Wouldham	Joan	FRITH	1540	20	384
Burham	Joan	FRITHE	1570	20	384
Ashford	WILLIAM	FRYTH	1527-02-15	52	13
Leigh	William	FRYTHE	1527	37	175
Hythe	Alice	FULCOMBE	1588	26	640
Middleton	Thomas	FYGGE	1518	44	177
Hollingbourne	Johanna	FYLCOTE	1453	21	022
Faversham	William	FYLPOTT	1523	30	314
Wye	Edward	FYNCHE	1528	44	220
Maidstone	Mary	FYNCHE	1537	35	338
Sandhurst	HERBERT	FYNCHE	1553-05-12	59	52
Maidstone	MARY	FYNCHE	1558-08-21	48	91
Harbledown	John	FYNENX	1525	44	187
Canterbury	John	FYNEUX	1525	44	187
Maidstone	William	FYSCHER	1506	33	260
Maidstone	WILLIAM	FYSSHER	1506	47	49

G

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Lydd	JOHN	GALAUNT	1486-05-23	58	69
Lydd	THOMAS	GALLWEY	1501-05-27	58	70
Lydd	JAMES	GALWEY	1477-05-08	58	70
Lydd	JOHN	GARARD	1501-11-11	58	72
Lydd	RICHARD	GARARD	1505-04-10	58	72
Romney	Joh'es	GARDYNER	1402	23	305
Sevenoaks	Henry	GARDYNER	1509	04	353
Lydd	STEPHEN	GARRARD	1501-07-05	58	71
Sittingbourne	Thomas	GARRARD	1506	30	295
Sandwich	William	GARRARD	1542	45	285
Yalding	John	GARTFORDE	1517	13	267
Ickham	John	GASON	1558	46	371
Lydd	THOMAS	GATE a	1501-11-11	58	73
Wrotham	Thomas	GAUGE	1470	01	085
Westerham	Richard	GAVELL	1529	13	310
Lamberhurst	Thomas	GEFFRAYE	1510	13	242
Charing	Agnes	GEFFREYE	1539	26	648
Southfleet	John	GEGGE	1467	17	078
Leysdown	William	GERMAN	1507	30	289
Lydd	WILLIAM	GERRAD	1496-06-21	58	71
Ashford	John	GERYN	1438	39	435
Ashford	JOHN	GERYN	1438-10-09	52	1
Erith	Thomas	GIBSON	1532	09	326
Romney	Richard	GIBSON	1534	37	109
Romney Marsh	RICHARD	GIBSON	1534-12-19	57	8
Benenden	John	GILBERT	1589	26	609
Rolvenden	Edward.	GILDEFORD	1448	21	051
Bromley	Thomas	GILES	1428	07	049
Tenterden	John	GILFORD	1493	38	249
Tenterden	JOHN	GILFORD	1493-08-25	59	13
Marden	Robert	GIRDELER	1540	34	259
Marden	ROBERT	GIRDELER	1545-11-13	56	7
Hope All Saints	John	GISORS	1380	24	456
Maidstone	ROBERT	GLOBE	1513	47	42
Benenden	Joh'es	GLOVER	1459	38	207
West Malling	Robert	GLOVER	1487	11	074
Benenden	JOHN	GLOVER	1498-10-14	60	35
Benenden	Thomas	GLOVER	1511	37	135
Benenden	THOMAS	GLOVER	1511-11-13	60	45
Norton	John	GLYN	1534	45	228
Faversham	James	GODDE	1464	29	113
Romney	Thomas	GODEFRAY	1436	22	157
Chelsfield	Roger	GODESTRE	1368	25	563
Gillingham	William	GODFRAY	1525	04	422
Penshurst	Oliver	GODFRAYE	1550	06	686
Lydd	THOMAS	GODFREY	1511	58	84
Lydd	William	GODFREY	1453	36	029
Lydd	JOHN	GODFREY	1485-11-03	58	76
Lydd	MICHAEL	GODFREY	1497-04-14	58	77
Lydd	THOMAS	GODFREY	1499-06-06	58	78
Lydd	JOHN	GODFREY	1505-11-13	58	80
Lydd	JOHN	GODFREY	1511-01-13	58	84
Tenterden	John	GODFREY	1589	27	736
Lydd	Austine	GODFREY	1649	36	001
Lydd	WILLIAM	GODFREY or FERMOR	1504	58	79
Lydd	WILLIAM	GODFREY otherwise called Fermor of Westbroke	1455	58	74
Lydd	JOHN	GODFREY otherwise called Fermor of Westbroke	1484-06-03	58	76
Cliffe	Joh'nes de	GODWYK	1397	23	264
Maidstone	Robert	GOLBE	1513	33	217
Boxley	Joh'es	GOLD	1406	23	333
Faversham	John	GOLDFINCH	1541	29	132
Faversham	John	GOLDFYNSHE	1541	31	352
Crayford	Thomas	GOLDSMITH	1526	04	383
Biddenden	John	GOLDWELL	1557	39	348
Biddenden	JOHN	GOLDWELL	1558-05-06	55	31
West Malling	John	GONNE	1527	13	319
Otterden	William	GOODIN	1559	26	658
Wrotham	John	GOODWYN	1495	02	188
Maidstone	Joh'es	GOOLDE	1406	23	319
Horsmonden	John	GORDE	1537	16	634
Brenchley	John	GORDE	1557	16	634
Appledore	JOHN	GOSEBORNE, DE	1410-10-01	53	21
Ash	Otto de	GRANDISON	1358	25	592
Ivychurch	William	GREENSTREET	1480	37	185
Romney	William	GREENSTREETE	1430	37	184
Hollingbourne	Robert	GREGORI	1413	23	233
Harietsham	John	GREGORY	1549	34	298
Otterden	John	GREGORY	1549	34	298
Headcorn	JOHN	GREGORY	1549-02-04	51	64
Charing	Joh'es	GRENE	1434	22	164
Sundridge	Thomas	GRENE	1505	04	349
Lydden	Joh'es	GRENEFORD	1473	43	055
Ivychurch	WILLIAM	GRENESTREETE	1480-06-17	57	18
West Malling	Thomas	GRESSENT	1546	20	412
Yalding	William	GRETFORD	1502	12	195
Mereworth	Anne	GREY	1558	16	670
Horsmonden	John	GRIGGE	1533	15	485
Maidstone	WILLIAM	GROCYN	1522-07-20	47	60
Maidstone	William	GROCYN	1579	33	277
Horsmonden	Sarah	GROFHERST	1371	25	578
Lydd	JOAN	GROOSE	1508	58	88
Tonbridge	Richard	GROPEHURST	1456	11	039
Lydd	WILLIAM	GROS?	1464-06-06	58	85
Lydd	LAWRENCE	GROS?	1498-01-18	58	87
Lydd	THOMAS	GROSE	1501-11-11	58	87
Ivychurch	STEPHEN	GROVE	1451-05-22	57	17
Greenhithe(Garlykhithe)?	Roger	GROVE	1496	33	197
Maidstone	ROGER	GROVE	1504-08-06	47	25
Stone	John	GROVE	1505	18	193
Swanscomb	John	GROVE	1505	18	193
Swanscomb	Nicholas	GROVE	1520	19	259
Dartford	John	GROVEHURST	1472	07	113
Hawkhurst	Richard	GULDEFORD	1508	37	125
High Halden	RICHARD	GULDEFORD	1508-05-10	53	3
Sittingbourne	Richard	GUSTON	1533	30	320
Otford	George	GUSTON	1536	05	602
Tenterden	Thomas	GYBON	1460	39	439
Tenterden	THOMAS	GYBON	1460-11-06	59	1
Eynsford	Nicholas	GYBSONNE	1528	04	412
Chalk	Jacobus	GYFFORD	1473	18	097
Lydd	WILLIAM	GYLBERD	1490-06-16	58	88
Rochester	Gilbert	GYLDEWYN	1369	25	520
Willesborough	Agnes	GYLYT	1587	26	732

H

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Chevening	John	HACCHE	1541	05	656
Aylesford	Robert	HADDE	1519	13	269
Headcorn	Richard	HADDE	1589	26	639
Eythorne	William	HALDEN	1384	24	376
Bromley	Edmund	HALE	1446	07	050
Brenchley	Thomas	HALER	1556	16	615
Wootten	William	HALL	1448	46	390
Lydd	THOMAS	HALL	1493-05-23	58	89
Stone	Nicholas	HALL	1589	27	734
Maidstone	William	HALLE	1500	33	190
Maidstone	WILLIAM	HALLE	1501-08-27	47	20
Deptford	William	HALPENNYE	1589	26	617
Biddenden	Stephyn	HALSENOTH	1548	40	538
Biddenden	STEPHYN	HALSENOTH	1548-12-22	55	11
Brabourne	Hugo	HALSHAM	1441	23	241
Lenham	Joh'es	HALYS	1459	32	082
Lydd	JOHN	HAMMOND	1503-07-13	58	90
Biddenden	Richard	HAMON	1531	42	742
Sandwich	Alexander	HAMON	1537	45	270
Tenterden	Richard	HAMON	1551	42	742
Biddenden	RICHARD	HAMON	1553-11-24	55	21
West Peckham	William	HAMPTON	1492	02	173
Isle of Grain	Richard	HANCOCK	1526	04	417
Folkestone	George	HANDFEL	1532	46	340
Bexley	Thomas	HARDING	1494	02	178
Canterbury	Clement	HARDYNG	1507	30	300
Woodchurch	Roger	HARLAKYNDEN	1520	37	161
Woodchurch	ROGER	HARLAKYNDEN	1523-05-15	53	15
Woodchurch	Thomas	HARLAKYNDEN	1557	39	355
Woodchurch	THOMAS	HARLAKYNDEN	1558-08-30	53	17
Crayford	Henry	HARMAN	1501	03	243
Crayford	William	HARMAN	1547	06	681
Staplehurst	Rychard	HAROLDE	1558	32	019
Staplehurst	RYCHARD	HAROLDE	1558-08-06	56	40
Chart	George	HARPER	1538	35	351
Hadlow	George	HARPER	1558	35	351
Maidstone	Jone (Joan)	HARRENDEN	1515	33	251
Maidstone	JONE (Joan)	HARRENDEN	1515-05-16	47	45
Tenterden	Margaret	HARREYS	1490	38	197
Bromley	Thomas	HARREYS	1549	10	413
Crayford	John	HARRY	1504	03	269
Lydd	JOHN	HARRY	1505-04-10	58	90
Marden	Richard	HARRYE	1535	34	287
Marden	RICHARD	HARRYE	1555-06-21	56	13
Tenterden	MARGARET	HARRYES	1490-10-04	59	11
Lydd	JAMES	HARRYS (HARRYE?)	1483-12-18	58	90
Snargate	Nicholas	HART	1589	27	733
Folkestone	Nicholas	HARYNGTON	1593	43	049
Sittingbourne	Henry	HASEE	1407	22	209
Dartford	William	HASELL	1423	07	045
Frittenden	William	HAVYNDEN	1514	39	449
Bexley	Thomas	HAWLE	1526	04	397
Lydd	MATHEW	HAWLER	1502-01-26	58	90
Bishopsbourne	WILLIAM	HAWTE	1538	61	3
Bishopsbourne	William	HAWTEKT	1538	45	239
Yalding	Nicholas	HAYMAN	1517	13	263
Yalding	Thomas	HAYMAN	1526	14	348
Bexley	John	HAYNES	1554	06	700
Maidstone	Thomas	HAYTE	1548	34	273
Maidstone	THOMAS	HAYTE	1548-05-11	47	80
Lydd	WILLIAM	HAYTON	1485-03-15	58	91
Lydd	JOHN	HAYTON	1505-07-16	58	91
Milton	John	HAYTON	1517	19	253
Gravesend	John	HAYTON	1577	19	253
Hawkhurst	JOHN	HEANSYLL	1464-02-01	60	1
Hawkhurst	MARGARET	HEANSYLL	1473-03-29	60	4
Hunton	William	HEEDE	1513	03	289
Ickham	William	HEGHREDBURY	1372	25	513
Chatham	William	HELE	1524	19	279
Godmersham	Gilbert de	HELLES	1364	25	601
Herne	Agnes	HELWOLDYNG	1430	22	152
Herne	Nicholas	HELWOLDYNG	1430	22	151
Maidstone	Richard	HELY	1538	35	345
Maidstone	Elizabeth	HELY	1558	35	347
Maidstone	ELIZABETH	HELY	1558-11-17	48	98
Cranbrook	Gervase	HENDIE	1534	37	105
Cranbrook	Joh'es	HENDLE	1472	37	182
Cranbrook	Walter	HENDLE	1550	41	611
Sutton East	Walter	HENDLE	1550	41	611
Cranbrook	JOHN	HENDLE (Y)	1472-12-02	49	6
Cranbrook	GREVASE	HENDLEY	1534-05-06	49	59
Cranbrook	WALTER SIR	HENDLEY	1550-04-26	49	80
Cranbrook	THOMAS	HENLE (Y)	1495-02-11	49	12
Lydd	JOHN	HENXELL	1505-10-16	58	92
Boxley	Robert	HEREFORD	1463	38	245
Newchurch	Robert	HEREFORD	1463	38	245
Newchurch	ROBERT	HEREFORD	1463-01-11	57	23
West Farleigh	Richard	HERENDEN	1516	13	253
Maidstone	Walter	HERENDEN	1536	35	325
Maidstone	WALTER	HERENDEN	1556-01-04	47	86
Cranbrook	Thomas	HERMAN	1547	40	543
Cranbrook	THOMAS	HERMAN	1548-06-07	49	77
Canterbury	John	HERON	1515	44	161
Selling	William	HERTLE	1539	45	250
Boughton Monchelsea	Thomas	HERUNDEN	1534	34	230
East Farleigh	Thomas	HERUNDEN	1534	34	230
Loose	Thomas	HERUNDEN	1534	34	230
Boughton Monchelsea	THOMAS	HERUNDEN	1534-09-30	52	79
Lydd	JOAN	HEUGLOT	1484-10-21	58	91
Cranbrook	Thomas	HEULE	1495	40	488
West Wickham	Henry	HEYDON	1503	08	218
Selling	Peter	HEYMAN	1553	46	343
Bethersden	Richard	HEYWARD	1468	32	101
Shaddoxhurst	RICHARD	HEYWARD	1468-07-01	53	76
Westerham	Richard	HEYWARD	1529	13	312
Cranbrook	Joh'es	HIKKYS	1479	41	573
Cranbrook	JOHN	HIKKYS	1482-08-07	49	7
Westenhanger	Robert	HILL	1453	21	026
Wye	Christophre	HILLIS	1528	44	221
Pluckley	William	HILLS	1589	26	728
Rayham	Thomas	HODDESTON	1471	29	197
Lydd	EDMUND	HOGAN	1498-09-19	58	94
Folkestone	Clement	HOGBEN	1552	46	337
Lydd	JOHN	HOGELOTT	1507-06-10	58	92
Lydd	STEPHEN	HOGGE or CHEESEMAN	1505-05-07	58	95
Cranbrook	Joh'es	HOGRIGGE	1464	17	060
Lynsted	Joh'es	HOGRIGGE	1464	17	060
Milton	Joh'es	HOGRIGGE	1464	17	060
East Peckham	Richard	HOGYN	1490	02	157
Chatham	Richard	HOLBROOKE	1549	20	421
Lydd	LAURENCE	HOLDERNESS	1507-	58	98
Lydd	THOMAS	HOLDERNESSE	1485-05-04	58	96
Lydd	THOMAS	HOLDERNESSE	1506-06-15	58	96
Newington	Joh'es	HOLFORD	1507	30	237
Sandhurst	Thomas	HOLMAN	1537	38	215
Sandhurst	THOMAS	HOLMAN	1551-11-11	59	49
Lydd	THOMAS	HOLME	1504	58	100
Lydd	JOHN	HOLME	1496-07-28	58	99
Lydd	GREGORY	HOLME	1506-07-30	58	100
Milton	John	HOLT	1503	30	263
Cobham	Thomas	HOLT	1523	09	260
Brasted	John	HOLTE	1546	06	670
Sevenoaks	Thomas	HOLWEY	1512	03	300
Pluckley	Edmunde	HOMMERSAM	1552	34	303
Cranbrook	Robert	HONEDEN	1557	39	344
Lydd	WILLIAM	HOORNE	1507-02-04	58	101
Lydd	JOHN	HOOW	1475-05-11	58	102
Otford	Thomas	HOPE	1487	02	129
Woolwich	William	HOPKYNS	1513	44	157
Goudhurst	Thomas	HORDEN	1532	42	727
Northfleet	Edward	HORDEN	1538	05	608
Goudhurst	THOMAS	HORDEN	1552-01-28	54	65
Warehorn	Roger	HORNE	1543	39	339
Romney Marsh	ROGER	HORNE	1543-02-12	57	9
Dartford	John'es	HORNLEE	1477	07	103
Brenchley	Richard	HORSEMONDEN	1532	14	357
Upchurch	Richard	HORSHAM	1399	23	270
Goudhurst	Stephen	HORSMONDEN	1499	36	084
Goudhurst	STEPHEN	HORSMONDEN	1500-05-30	54	15
Goudhurst	William	HORSMONDEN	1517	39	453
Goudhurst	WILLIAM	HORSMONDEN	1517-10-09	54	25
Horsmonden	William	HORSMONDEN	1538	16	630
New Romney	JOHN	HOULL	1517-01-02	57	5
Romney	John	HOULL	1577	37	145
Maidstone	GEORGE	HOUTON	1474-10-09	47	5
Cranbrook	ROBERT	HOVENDEN	1558-04-27	50	132
Frittenden	WILLIAM	HOVYNDEN	1515-07-13	53	91
Lydd	ELENA	HOWE	1499-01-24	58	104
Lydd	JOHN	HOWE	1501-05-27	58	105
Lydd	THOMAS	HOWGH	1460	58	101
Lydd	ROBERT	HOWGH	1487-06-21	58	102
Lydd	AGNES	HOWGLYN	1488-03-06	58	106
Lydd	THOMAS	HOWSTYD (HOWSLYD)	1483-02-20	58	106
Rolvenden	William	HUBBERD	1516	37	148
Rolvenden	WILLIAM	HUBBERD	1517-05-13	59	37
Tenterden	STEVEN	HUBBERDE	1558-02-21	59	29
Shoreham	Nicholas	HUBERD	1496	02	192
East Peckham	Richard	HUGELET	1404	23	325
Canterbury	William	HUGHAM	1416	21	075
Lydd	RICHARD	HUGLETT	1497-05-11	58	91
Chartham	Joh'es	HUGWET	1420	22	110
Appledore	Steven	HULBERDE	1558	41	659
Ruckinge	Alan	HUMLETON	1407	23	350
Cliff	Robert	HUNDELBY	1406	24	360
Erith	John	HUNDELL	1464	07	080
Lydd	JOHN	HUNT	1463-11-04	58	106
Frittenden	RICHARD	HUNT	1484-04-06	53	89
Frittenden	Richard	HUNT	1485	41	575
Lydd	JOHN	HUNT	1488-07-08	58	107
Northfleet	Joan	HUNT	1551	05	555
West Wickham	Thomas	HUNTLOW	1544	02	217
Wittersham	Richard	HUNTYNGTON	1430	32	073
Wittersham	RICHARD	HUNTYNGTON	1430-03-15	53	58
Lydd	RICHARD Dom.	HUSBUNDE	1487-10-25	58	108
Boxley	Peter	HUSE	1499	33	185
Headcorn	PETER	HUSE	1499-01-31	51	63
Graveney	Richard	HYLLE	1459	28	096
Biddenden	John	HYLLES	1508	36	057
Biddenden	JOHN	HYLLES	1508-03-16	55	2
Biddenden	John	HYLS	1540	38	308
Biddenden	JOHN	HYLS	1540-08-24	55	8
Higham	Elys	HYLTON	1528	19	303
Rochester	Elys	HYLTON	1528	19	303
Appledore	Thomas	HYNXSTENDE	1545	38	231
Appledore	THOMAS	HYNXSTENDE	1545-12-10	53	49

I, J, K

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Stoke	Thomas	IDEN	1511	18	213
Penshurst	Powle	IDEN	1514	03	312
Westgate on Sea	Alexander	IDEN	1514	33	250
West Farleigh	Robert	IDEN	1546	15	505
Lydd	STEPHEN	IDERYKKE	1508	58	66
Tenterden	Thomas	ILAND	1529	37	177
Tenterden	THOMAS	ILANDE	1529-09-23	59	24
Halden	Andrew	INCENT	1588	26	651
Wickham Breaux	Johanna	INGALDESTHORPE	1494	43	088
Lydd	JAMES	INGLOTT	1508-09-23	58	108
Hawkhurst	WILLIAM	IREGE	1515-02-13	60	12
Patricksbourne	John	ISAAK	1500	43	104
Sundridge	John	ISELE	1494	02	179
Canterbury	Radulphus	ISLEP	1420	22	097
Sundridge	Joh'es	ISLEY	1375	24	424
Sundridge	Ed.	ISLEY	1525	04	400
Sundridge	Thomas	ISSLEY	1518	03	317
Maidstone	Elyne	JACKSON	1492	33	175
Canterbury	William	JACKSON	1554	31	368
Chiddingstone	Robert	JACKSON	1594	26	697
Hunton	Valentine	JACOB	1485	32	045
Marden	Valentine	JACOB	1485	32	045
Marden	VALENTINE	JACOB	1485-10-17	56	3
Maidstone	ELYNE	JAKSON	1494-05-25	47	15
Leigh	John	JAMES	1559	26	652
Blackmanstone	Henry	JAMYS	1501	36	068
Blackmauston	HENRY	JAMYS	1502-05-14	57	27
Ash	Robert	JASPAR	1389	24	406
Crayford	John	JEBBES	1494	02	190
Goudhurst	Gyles	JEFFREY	1558	16	664
Lydd	ROGER	JEKEN	1463-09-23	58	109
Folkestone	John	JENCKYNS	1544	45	297
Brenchley	Robert	JENDUR	1536	14	453
Horsmonden	Gyles	JEOFFRY	1538	16	665
Chatham	Roger	JERVEYS	1487	18	136
Penshurst	Andronicus	JESSOPE	1615	26	683
Stourmouth	Richard	JODE	1539	45	254
Tenterden	WILLIAM	JOHN	1532-02-14	59	26
Tenterden	William	JOHN	1533	37	178
Lydd	JAMES	JOHNSON	1500-10-01	58	110
Aylesford	John	JOHNSON	1532	14	368
Rayham	Rauf	JOHNSON	1556	29	128
Maidstone	Ed.	JONYS	1511	37	119
Tenterden	EDWARD	JONYS	1512-04-30	59	19
Yalding	John	JOP	1493	12	157
Tonbridge	Joh'es	JUDD	1492	12	145
Tonbridge	Henry	JUDD	1554	15	526
Dartford	John	JUDDE	1527	09	340
Tonbridge	Thomas	JUDDE	1533	45	225
Tonbridge	Andrew	JUDDE	1558	42	757
Ashford	ANDROW Sir	JUDDE	1558-10-15	52	15
Ashford	Andrew	JUDDERT	1558	42	757
Swanscomb	William	JUGELER	1516	19	242
Cranbrook	Stephen	KARKEREGGE	1498	36	076
Cranbrook	STEPHEN	KARKEREGGE	1500-06-05	49	20
Faversham	Joh'es	KEER	1510	30	253
Milton	Joh'es	KEER	1510	30	255
Headcorn	JOHN	KELSHAM	1432-07-22	51	53
Headcorn	Joh'es	KELSHAM	1434	32	068
Beckenham	John	KELSHYLL	1432	07	052
Boxley	JOHN	KEMBAR	1489-01-11	52	26
Bredhurst	William	KEMMYSLEY	1515	30	282
Lydd	JOHN	KEMPE	1508	58	111
Staplehurst	Thorne	KEMPE	1488	32	037
Staplehurst	Thorne	KEMPE	1488	33	149
Staplehurst	THOMAS	KEMPE	1489-10-22	56	24
Lydd	JOHN	KEMPE	1495-12-03	58	110
Wye	William	KEMPK'T	1535	45	268
Milton	Allicia	KEMPTON	1464	17	065
Gillingham	John	KEMSLEY	1530	04	435
Boxley	Joh'es	KENBAR	1487	32	057
Stone	William	KENDALE	1413	23	235
Lydd	JOAN	KENET	1506	58	112
Lydd	NICHOLAS	KENETT	1498-07-14	58	111
Greenhithe(Garlykhithe)?	Thomas	KENT	1434	32	068
Headcorn	Thomas	KENT	1468	32	097
Headcorn	THOMAS	KENT	1468-03-15	51	55
Headcorn	Robert	KENT	1483	21	001
Sandwich	William	KENYNGTHORP	1470	43	039
Southfleet	John	KETYLL	1505	18	192
Gillingham	Andrew	KEYMSLEY	1530	04	438
East Peckham	William	KEYSER	1510	04	362
Brenchley	William	KIPPYRYNG	1509	13	240
Westenhanger	Joh'es	KIRIEL	1376	24	449
Meresham	John	KNACHEBULL	1540	34	250
Meresham	Richard	KNATCHBULL	1581	14	390
Meresham	Richard	KNATCHBULL	1590	14	455
Meresham	Susan	KNATCHBULL	1602	14	420
Maidstone	Elenor	KNATCHBULL	1634	15	486
Meresham	Norton	KNATCHBULL	1682	17	085
Newchurch	John	KNATCHBULL	1682	17	085
Meresham	William	KNECHEBULL	1522	41	600
Midley	WILLIAM	KNECHEBULL	1522-11-13	57	45
Meresham	Richard	KNEECHEBULL	1522	41	604
Erith	Lucy	KNIGHT	1444	07	064
Chiddingstone	John	KNIGHT	1490	02	156
Canterbury	Thomas	KNIGHT	1532	31	371
Lynsted	Thomas	KNOTTE	1560	26	657
Newington	Joh'es	KNYVETT	1476	29	121
Langdon	Letitia	KRYEL	1408	22	216
Teynham	Johanna	KYNG	1464	28	104
Strood	Robert	KYNG	1505	18	181
Crayford	Thomas	KYNGESTON	1505	03	269
Westenhanger	Cecilia	KYRRELL	1472	32	123
Cray	William	KYRTON	1464	07	100

L

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Rochester	William	LAAS	1395	17	004
Northfleet	Peter de	LACY	1375	24	439
Crayford	William	LAKEN	1475	18	123
Stone	William	LAKEN	1475	18	123
Erith	Thomas	LAMAN	1499	08	176
Leeds	Joh'es	LAMB	1558	35	354
Sutton Valence	Joh'es	LAMB	1558	35	354
Birling	George	LAMBE	1549	16	594
Lydd	HAMON	LAMBERD	1486-02-28	58	112
Lydd	ROBERT	LAMBERD	1488-06-12	58	113
Bexley	Thomas	LAMENDLY	1511	03	303
Canterbury	Thomas	LAMSYN	1507	44	124
Rochester	Joh'es	LANGDON	1437	22	182
Yalding	Agnes	LANGFORD	1490	12	131
Lydd	WILLIAM	LANGHODE	1476-06-27	58	114
Frindesbury	John	LANGLY	1507	18	204
Chilham	Thomas de	LAROWE	1452	43	020
Swanscomb	Gilbert	LATTURM	1544	20	452
Boxley	Joan	LAUGHTON	1474	01	104
Southfleet	Joh'es	LAUNCE	1424	17	027
Shorne	John	LAUNCE	1554	20	469
Plumstead	Robert	LAUNDE	1382	24	369
Maidstone	Henry	LAUNSON	1510	33	262
Maidstone	HENRY	LAUNSON	1516-08-00	47	51
Rolvenden	William	LAWLES	1556	39	377
Rolvenden	WILLIAM	LAWLES	1557-05-25	59	41
Lydd	WILLIAM	LAWRENCE (LAWRENSE)	1495	58	115
Maidstone	John	LECHE	1509	33	227
Maidstone	JOHN	LECHE	1531-02-26	47	31
Maidstone	Joh'es	LEE	1484	33	180
Maidstone	JOHN	LEE	1495-07-14	47	18
Yalding	Thomas at	LEE	1502	30	292
Rochester	Richard	LEE	1526	19	309
Rochester	Elynor	LEE	1552	20	456
Strood	Joh'es de	LEEK	1464	17	059
Sheldwich	Dionisia atte	LEESE	1404	23	321
Maidstone	Faythe	LEFFE	1536	35	327
Maidstone	John	LEFFE	1537	46	350
East Farleigh	Faithe	LEFFE	1556	35	327
Maidstone	FAYTHE	LEFFE	1556-02-24	47	88
Maidstone	JOHN	LEFFE	1557-08-25	47	89
Gravesend	William	LEMYNG	1470	17	079
Lesnes	William	LEMYNG	1470	17	079
Plumstead	William	LEMYNG	1470	17	079
Tenterden	William	LENCONNOUR	1517	39	448
Ham	Martin	LERCHEDEKEN	1430	26	693
Canterbury	Lora At	LESE	1378	24	452
Sheldwich	Richard atte	LESE	1394	28	059
Tenterden	WYLLYAM	LEUCONOUR	1526-02-24	59	22
Harrietsham	Alan	LEVERTON	1429	22	148
East Malling	Stephen	LEWTY	1572	12	222
Canterbury	Juliana de	LEYBORNE	1367	25	533
Maidstone	William	LEYCESTRE	1450	46	391
Maidstone	WILLIAM	LEYCETYRE	1451-04-01	48	101
Gravesend	John	LEYCHE	1517	19	245
Hever	Robert	LEYS	1540	05	629
Sandwich	William de	LIMES	1437	43	013
Cranbrook	Symonde	LINCHE	1500	36	079
Cranbrook	SYMONDE	LINCHE	1500-03-11	49	22
Plumstead	Ed.	LITTELL	1553	26	719
Dover	Daniel	LLOYD ap HOPKYN	1544	45	289
Hoo	John	LOK	1472	18	107
Godmersham	William	LONDON	1494	18	154
Gravesend	William	LONDON	1494	18	154
Frindesbury	Alys	LONDON	1506	18	208
Strood	Alys	LONDON	1506	18	208
Strood	Adam	LONDON	1507	03	277
Canterbury	Katherine	LONG	1474	29	207
Chatham	John	LONG	1528	19	281
Hawkhurst	THOMAS	LONGEHERST	1505-05-29	60	11
Hawkhurst	JOHN	LONGEHERST	1517-02-19	60	18
Chart	Christopher	LOOGH	1498	37	194
Newington	Stephen	LOTE	1417	43	003
Leigh	John	LOTE	1487	11	108
Penshurst	Nicholas de	LOUEYN	1375	24	471
Lydd	William	LOVE	1437	22	191
Goudhurst	William	LOVE	1493	40	484
Goudhurst	WILLIAM	LOVE	1493-12-31	54	1
Goudhurst	John	LOVE	1559	26	650
Lydd	JOHN	LOVECOK	1462-05-13	58	115
Lydd	STEPHEN	LOVECOK	1497-11-23	58	116
Bearsted	Arthur	LOVEKYN	1545	15	512
Bearsted	ARTHURE	LOVEKYN	1546-02-11	52	49
Kingsdown	John	LOVELACE	1546	20	414
Mappiscombe	John	LOVELACE	1546	20	414
Sittingbourne	Richard	LOVELAS	1466	28	102
Sittingbourne	Joh'es	LOVELES	1473	29	199
Wingham	John	LOVELICH	1438	22	186
Lamberhurst	William	LOVELL	1508	12	200
Dartford	William	LOWNDE	1530	09	309
West Malling	Richard	LOXLEY	1420	11	022
Great Chart	CHRISTOPHER	LOYGH	1498-06-01	53	73
Lydd	JAMES	LUCAS	1489-07-09	58	117
Lydd	JOHN	LUCAS	1489-07-09	58	119
Lydd	NICHOLAS	LUCAS	1497-04-13	58	120
Lydd	ALICE	LUCAS	1500-03-19	58	121
Lydd	THOMAS	LUCAS	1501-11-11	58	121
Lydd	WILLIAM	LUCAS	1507-05-20	58	122
Canterbury	John	LUCAS	1525	30	308
Halden	John	LUCAS	1525	30	308
Halden	John	LUCAS	1550	38	223
Hythe	John	LUCAS	1550	38	223
High Halden	JOHN	LUCAS	1550-03-04	53	11
Godmersham	Joh'es	LUDDHAM	1389	24	401
Faversham	Richard	LULL	1506	30	304
Maidstone	William	LULLY	1548	34	277
Milton	Thomas	LYLE	1511	18	218
Rochester	Bartholomew	LYLHAIRE	1550	31	417
Maidstone	WILLIAM	LYLLY	1549-06-07	47	85
Cranbrook	Radulphus	LYNCH	1504	36	012
Cranbrook	RALPH	LYNCH	1504-10-15	49	29
Cranbrook	William	LYNCH	1517	33	232
Cranbrook	William	LYNCH	1538	40	472
Cranbrook	Robert	LYNCH	1558	41	634
Cranbrook	William	LYNCH	1577	36	020
Cranbrook	WILLIAM	LYNCHE	1517-07-09	49	41
Cranbrook	WILLIAM	LYNCHE	1539-12-03	49	65
Cranbrook	ROBERT	LYNCHE	1558-12-17	50	111
Sandwich	Elizabeth	LYNCHE	1579	45	321
Cliffe	Edward.	LYNDALL	1534	05	581
Crayford	Joh'es	LYNDEFELD	1440	22	204
Goudhurst	Joh'es	LYNDRYCH	1408	22	217
Ivychurch	Joh'es	LYNOT	1393	39	422
Ivychurch	JOHN	LYNOT	1394-06-05	57	16
Dartford	Agnes	LYNSEY	1484	07	091
Cliff	Thomas de	LYNTON	1387	24	381
Queenborough	John	LYTELL	1549	28	040
Teynham	Richard	LYTTLEFORD	1538	28	022

M

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Wrotham	Thomas	MADDEIS	1500	03	253
Lydd	JOHN	MAGUE	1507-02-04	58	127
Westerham	John	MAISTER	1509	13	237
Sandwich	John	MAISTER	1558	46	379
Stodmarsh	John	MAISTER	1558	46	379
Boxley	Percival	MAKEELS	1515	14	382
Preston	William de	MAKENADE	1407	23	337
Boxley	PERCYVALL	MAKERES	1515-05-23	52	34
Lydd	JOHN	MAKET	1476-04-05	58	123
Lydd	WILLIAM	MAKET	1486-01-26	58	124
Lydd	JAMES	MAKET	1486-05-23	58	125
Lydd	WILLIAM	MAKET	1495-07-02	58	125
Faversham	Thomas	MALPAS	1506	30	307
Canterbury	George	MANNERS	1533	30	326
Sandwich	Leonard	MANNYNG	1545	45	309
Lydd	WILLIAM	MANNYNGE	1504	58	125
Halstow	John	MAPILTON	1455	29	118
Farnborough	John	MAPLESDEN	1505	12	210
Maidstone	John	MAPLESDEN	1528	34	207
Maidstone	JOHN	MAPLESDEN	1528-11-09	47	75
Marden	George	MAPLESDEN	1536	35	321
Marden	GEORGE	MAPLISDEN	1550-02-17	56	9
West Malling	William	MAPLYSDEN	1501	12	189
Goudhurst	John	MAPLYSDEN	1507	38	289
Goudhurst	JOHN	MAPLYSDEN	1507-02-07	54	7
Canterbury	Joh'es	MARACHE	1420	22	098
Carshalton	John	MARCHALL	1508	04	340
Langley	John	MARCHE	1537	35	336
Langley	JOHN	MARCHE	1557-03-15	51	79
Benenden	Alen	MARDEN	1540	38	310
Benenden	ALEN	MARDEN	1540-03-11	60	51
Cranbrook	Richard	MARDEN	1551	40	524
Cranbrook	RICHARD	MARDEN	1551-02-03	50	101
Preston	Johan	MAREYS	1457	43	031
Crayford	Alice	MARLAR	1544	02	220
Crayford	William	MARLER	1527	04	428
Canterbury	Thomas	MARSCHALL	1418	21	096
Crayford	John	MARSHALL	1498	02	207
Appledore	William	MARSHALL	1523	38	236
Canterbury	William	MARSHALL	1523	38	236
Tenterden	William	MARSHALL	1523	38	236
Warehorn	William	MARSHALL	1523	38	236
Warehorne	WILLIAM	MARSHALL	1523-02-12	53	51
Canterbury	William	MARSHALL	1525	38	236
Aylesford	John	MARTEN	1525	13	301
Chalk	Richard	MARTEN	1611	26	679
Marden	JOHN	MARTHAM	1516-05-05	56	5
Marden	Joh'es	MARTHAM	1574	33	242
Dartford	Joh'es	MARTIN	1459	07	071
Edenbridge	Richard	MARTYN	1499	12	185
Otford	William	MARTYN	1531	05	610
Preston	William	MARYS	1457	28	009
Shoreham	Katherine	MASON	1485	02	120
Aylesford	William	MASON	1494	30	224
Canterbury	William	MASON	1494	30	224
Middleton	John	MASON	1494	30	224
Chart	John	MASROLL	1578	34	271
Thornham	John	MASSHAM	1455	32	084
Chart	Elizabeth	MASTALL	1534	34	284
Lydd	STEPHEN	MAT	1509-	58	126
Biddenden	William	MATHEW	30thENVIII	26	721
Faversham	Robert	MAYCOTT	1532	30	330
Leeds	WILLIAM	MAYDESTON	1419-06-01	51	83
Lydd	CLEMYNS	MAYKGN	1505	58	126
Lydd	JOHN	MAYKGN	1509-09-17	58	127
Staplehurst	Denyse	MAYNARD	1505	32	023
Staplehurst	DENYSE	MAYNARD	1506-02-06	56	23
Biddenden	John	MAYNE	1541	38	318
Biddenden	JOHN	MAYNE	1541-08-14	55	9
Cliff	Joh'es	MEDLANE	1402	23	306
Tenterden	Thomas	MEEDE	1526	37	171
Tenterden	THOMAS	MEEDE	1526-03-08	59	23
Horsmonden	Stephyn	MEEYAM	1538	16	624
Wrotham	Ralph	MELCHBORN	1404	23	315
Bromley	William	MELLAR	1523	09	289
Lydd	SIMON	MENWOOD	1491-10-06	58	127
Brenchley	Stephen	MERYAM	1538	16	624
Southfleet	Nicholas	METCALF	1539	20	381
Wouldham	Nicholas	METCALF	1539	20	381
Tenterden	John	METCALF	1560	26	659
Faversham	Blanche	METFORD	1493	30	229
East Peckham	John	MEW	1420	22	114
Halling	Thomas	MICHELL	1526	04	418
Lydd	JOHN	MIGHELL	1509-	58	128
Dartford	William	MILETT	1500	08	181
Gillingham	John	MILLE	1501	03	237
Yalding	Robert	MILLER	1466	11	056
Bethersden	John	MILLER	1510	33	244
Sutton Valence	John	MILLER	1510	33	244
Biddenden	Elizabeth	MILLES	1539	38	272
Biddenden	John	MILLES	1559	38	261
Biddenden	JOHN	MILLES	1559-10-20	55	36
Chevening	John	MILLYS	1506	03	271
Charlton	Guy	MONE	1407	23	347
Smeeth	Thomas	MONE	1540	34	249
Ashford	Ed.	MONGHAM	1512	33	207
Leeds	EDWARD Sir	MONGHAM	1512-07-03	51	88
Leeds	Ed.	MONGHAM	1572	33	207
Canterbury	Joh'es	MOOER	1489	38	200
Canterbury	Joh'es	MOOER	1489	38	200
Tenterden	Joh'es	MOOER	1489	38	200
Tenterden	JOHN	MOOER	1489-11-16	59	5
Faversham	Cristina	MORDEN	1391	28	064
Benenden	Richard	MORELEY	1490	38	210
Benenden	RICHARD	MORELEY	1490-01-28	60	36
Gravesend	William	MORES	1528	19	295
Milton	William	MORES	1528	19	295
Benenden	RICHARD	MORLEYN	1539-05-09	60	48
Benenden	Richard	MORLYN	1533	40	479
Dartford	John	MORRIS	1609	27	741
Plumstead	Philip de	MORTAIN	1378	24	361
Hoo	Cristofer	MORTHOPE	1506	18	191
Hoo	George	MORTHOPE	1509	19	236
Deptford	John	MORTON	1532	26	718
Lydd	AGNES	MORYNG	1487-03-08	58	128
Lydd	JOHN	MOTESFORD	1420	58	3
Sutton at Hone	Roas	MOTTE	1502	08	206
Lydd	Johannes	MOTTISFONT	1420	22	112
Brenyett	James	MOULTINGE	1539	42	721
Brenzett	JAMES	MOULTINGE	1559-11-06	57	59
Canterbury	Johanne de	MOUN	1404	23	322
St. Mary Cray	Richard	MOYGER	1549	45	317
Eastwell	John	MOYLE	1530	14	400
Eastwell	JOHN	MOYLE	1531-08-01	51	34
Goudhurst	Richard	MUG	1508	36	051
Goudhurst	RICHARD	MUG	1509-04-28	54	17
Sevenoaks	Thomas	MUGWORTHY	1503	03	249
Otford	Robert	MULTON	1532	04	443
Halstow	Joh'es	MUNDE	1477	29	177
Saltwood	Anne	MUSTON	1456	43	100
Canterbury	Richard	MYD		30 ?
Luddesdown	William	MYLLE	1577	19	247
Chatham	Elizabeth	MYLLER	1541	20	401
Rochester	Elizabeth	MYLLER	1541	20	401
Stone	Richard	MYLLER	1557	39	372
Romney Marsh	RICHARD	MYLLER	1557-10-04	57	11
Gillingham	Richard	MYLLES	1553	06	707
Biddenden	ELIZABETH	MYLLES	1559-11-27	55	44
West Malling	Robert	MYLLYS	1518	13	274
Erith	John	MYLNE	1511	08	229
Horsmonden	Henry	MYNGE	1538	16	640

N, O

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Canterbury	Joh'es	NETHERSOLE	1504	30	266
Chartham	Elizabeth	NEVILE	1500	43	025
Birling	George	NEVILLE	1535	20	487
Mereworth	George	NEVILLE	1535	20	487
Adisham	Christopher	NEVINSON	1550	45	329
East Peckham	Thomas	NEVYLE	1542	15	551
Mereworth	Thomas	NEVYLE	1542	15	551
Lullingstone	William	NEW	1309	07	008
Rochester	Roger	NEWBOLT	1457	17	039
Wouldham	Roger	NEWBOLT	1457	17	039
Rochester	Thomas	NEWEMAN	1460	17	072
West Wickham	Galfridus	NEWENTON	1400	23	282
Wittersham	John	NEWLANDE	1541	34	264
Wittersham	JOHN	NEWLANDE	1547-05-12	53	59
Lydd	EDMUND	NEWLOND	1503-07-18	58	129
Sevenoaks	Peter	NEWMAN	1510	04	369
Lydd	WILLIAM	NICHOLL	1491-06-16	58	129
Charing	William	NICOLAS	1452	21	010
Stone	William	NORBROUGH	1483	18	143
Cranbrook	JAMES	NORESSE	1547-06-14	49	73
Hawkhurst	NICHOLAS	NORPICE	1513-08-25	60	14
Cranbrook	James	NORRESSE	1544	39	336
Middleton	John	NORTHEWOOD	1488	29	148
Minster in Sheppey	Joh'es	NORTHWODE	1378	24	439
Middleton	John	NORTHWOODE	1493	29	168
Maidstone	ROBERT	NORTON	1464-09-15	47	4
West Malling	Margaret	NORTON	1490	12	170
Goudhurst	Alexander	NORTON	1513	39	454
Goudhurst	ALLEXANDER	NORTON	1515-11-06	54	23
Faversham	John	NORTON	1532	14	434
Dover	Clement	NORTON	1589	26	619
Maidstone	Robert	NOTON	1464	32	103
Halstow	Affabel	NOTTENCAR	1531	31	400
Strood	Richard	NOWEN	1510	19	227
Maidstone	JOHN	NOX	1518-04-08	47	58
Maidstone	John	NOY	1577	33	278
Teynham	Robert	ODYHAM	1414	28	073
Cranbrook	William	OLIVER	1547	40	545
Cranbrook	WILLIAM	OLIVER alias Quintyn	1547-01-13	49	74
Lydd	JOHN	OLYVER	1505-06-18	58	130
Seal	John	OLYVER	1512	13	230
Seal	William	OLYVER	1516	13	257
Seal	William	OLYVER	1526	13	331
Boughton Monchelsea	John	ORGAR	1544	34	262
Loose	John	ORGAR	1544	34	263
Boughton Monchelsea	JOHN	ORGAR	1546-12-09	52	83
Bromley	Robert	OTELEYE	1436	22	178
Newenden	Luke	OUTON	1589	26	727
Smarden	JOHN	OVENDEN	1559-12-06	53	85
Smarden	John	OVENDON	1559	35	361
St. Nicholas atte Wade	Clement	OVERTON	1439	22	208
Crayford	Robert	OWTRED	1527	04	404
Crayford	John	OWTRED	1539	05	643
Oxney	Salomon	OXNEY	1433	32	071
Oxney	Joh'es	OXNEYE	1409	43	007

Back to Wills Introduction

P

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Canterbury	Joh'es	PACHET	1420	22	106
Horton	Richard	PAGE	1483	43	086
Erith	Robert	PAGE	1529	09	313
Cobham	James	PAGE	1545	10	391
Shorne	William	PAIGE	1500	18	170
Canterbury	William	PAKYNGTON	1389	24	394
Lydd	HENRY	PALMER	1504	58	130
Aylesford	Thomas	PALMER	1452	21	024
Dartford	John	PALTER	1485	08	154
Sandwich	John	PALYNG	1426	43	016
Preston	Harry	PARAMORE	1553	46	341
Lydd	THOMAS	PARGATE	1499-06-06	58	130
Canterbury	John	PARGATE	1513	30	242
Sutton Valence	John	PARKE	1525	33	285
Canterbury	Richard	PARKEHURST	1553	28	051
Canterbury	Henry	PARKER	1412	23	228
Middleton	John	PARKER	1416	28	070
Lydd	JOHN	PARKER	1495-07-07	58	131
Bethersden	William	PARKER	1589	26	637
Adisham	Joh'es	PARMENTER	1479	43	062
Wingham	Joh'es	PARMENTER	1479	43	062
Addington	Margaret	PARVERS	1492	12	141
Sundridge	Agnes	PASTON	1510	04	357
Goudhurst	Henry	PATENDEN	1549	40	539
Goudhurst	HENRY	PATENDEN	1549-01-20	54	62
Bonnington	Richard	PATRINGTON	1431	39	433
Lamberhurst	Jocobus	PATYNDEN	1488	11	103
Horsmonden	Joh'es	PATYNDEN	1501	12	192
Benenden	William	PATYNDEN	1507	36	043
Benenden	WILLIAM	PATYNDEN	1508-10-12	60	40
Ditton	Walter	PAULE		27	743
Ditton	Walter	PAULY	1379	24	468
Shoreham	Maryone	PAWLEY	1515	04	376
Lydd	JOHN	PAYN	1497-07-11	58	131
Beckenham	Robert	PAYNE	1456	07	077
Horsmonden	Alex	PAYNTER	1494	12	162
Sandwich	John	PAYNTOUR	1473	43	011
Gravesend	William	PAYTON	1460	17	052
Lullingstone	Joh'es	PECCHE	1380	24	455
Lullingstone	Elizabeth	PECHE	1541	10	377
Chilham	Robert	PEELE	1539	45	258
Dartford	William	PEERSON	1504	44	121
Dover	Roger	PEKE	1545	45	296
Cobham	James de	PEKHAM	1400	23	289
Wrotham	Alicia de	PEKHAM	1407	24	353
Wrotham	Reginald de	PEKHAM	1407	23	352
Wrotham	Thomas	PEKHAM	1515	04	375
Wrotham	Reynolde	PEKHAM	1523	04	389
Wrotham	James	PEKHAM	1532	05	449
Chartham	John	PELETT	1487	29	155
Wittersham	Thomas	PELL	1502	33	199
Wittersham	THOMAS	PELL	1504-01-29	53	57
Smarden	Clement	PELL	1607	27	738
West Malling	William	PELLYCAN	1484	11	076
West Malling	Elizabeth	PELLYCAN	1487	11	080
Brasted	Robert	PEMBERTON	1502	03	263
Lydd	THOMAS	PEMSEY	1503-04-06	58	131
Cranbrook	Richard	PENDE	1509	36	036
Cranbrook	RICHARD	PENDE	1509-05-14	49	31
Brenyett	Thomas	PENRETH	1418	39	425
Brenzett	THOMAS	PENRETH	1418-about	57	50
Rochester	Henry	PENWORTHAM	1438	22	201
Farnborough	Richard	PERCYVALE	1528	09	314
Lydd	JOHN	PERETT	1489-09-23	58	132
Rolvenden	Henry	PEROT	1393	38	301
Rolvenden	HENRY	PEROT	1393-11-05	59	34
Chalk	John'es	PERRY	1506	18	185
Frindesbury	Alys	PERRY	1507	19	229
Chatham	Joh'es	PERY	1506	18	185
Sittingbourne	Jeremia	PETT	1496	26	698
Sevenoaks	Richard	PETTE	1513	03	309
Halden	John	PETTE	1522	37	159
High Halden	JOHN	PETTE	1523-05-16	53	4
Edenbridge	Thomas	PETYT	1497	02	199
Thanet, Isle of	Valentine	PETYTT	1485	43	075
Herne	Mathewe	PHILIPP	1475	43	057
Maidstone	John	PIERSON	1516	33	265
Maidstone	JOHN	PIERSON	1516-08-13	47	53
Woode?	Henry	PIERSON	1534	45	231
Chiddingstone	John	PIGOTT	1609	20	360
Ashford	Baptist	PIGOTT	1656	14	370
Norton	Baptist	PIGOTT	1675	14	418
Hawkhurst	ROGER	PIPAR	1559-04-19	60	21
Gillingham	Robert	PIRRY	1513	03	313
Rochester	Thomas	PLAYSTONE	1557	20	463
Southfleet	Robert de	PLESELEYE	1368	25	571
Bearsted	John	POKYLL	1483	14	384
Bearsted	JOHN	POKYLL	1483-08-13	52	39
Bearsted	JOHN	POKYLL	1513-10-29	52	43
Bexley	William	POLE	1540	05	627
Lydd	JOHN	POLLARD	1493-07-18	58	132
Charing	Barnabas	POLLARD	1589	26	631
Hadlow	Joh'es	POLLEY	1488	11	101
Eynsford	Thomas	POLLEY	1528	04	430
Isle of Sheppey	Richard	PONYNGGES	1387	27	753
Bradsole	Thomas de	PONYNGS	1317	24	465
Crayford	Thomas	PONYNGS	1428	27	746
Sandwich	Richard	PONYNGS	1428	43	017
Westenhanger	Ed.	PONYNGS	1521	34	209
Gravesend	Johanne	PORTER	1473	18	098
Throwley	Elizabeth	PORTER	1478	29	204
Boughton Malherb	CHRISTOFER	PORTER	1517-10-08	52	59
Boughton Malherbe	Christopher	PORTER	1571	33	232
Leeds	William	PORTLAND	1501	33	188
Lydd	WILLIAM	PORTLAND	1501-10-25	57	33
Cranbrook	THOMAS	PORTREFFE	1490	49	9
Cranbrook	Thomas	PORTREFFE	1490	39	331
Goudhurst	Jone	PORTREFFE	1539	38	255
Goudhurst	JONE	PORTREFFE	1559-07-19	54	73
High Halden	RICHARD	POSSE	1556-02-04	53	14
Sevenoaks	John	POTKYN	1543	06	674
Westerham	Richard	POTTER	1511	12	217
Westerham	John	POTTER	1522	13	314
Westerham	John	POTTER	1533	14	448
Ospringe	William	POTYN	1402	23	303
Lydd	HENRY	POTYN	1483-05-15	58	132
Wickham	Joh'es	POYNES	1447	21	043
Hoo	Joh'es	PRATT	1499	18	162
Canterbury	William	PRATT	1530	34	234
Lenham	William	PRATT	1530	34	235
Faversham	William	PRATTE	1484	29	125
Boughton under Blean	William	PRATTE	1486	29	125
Canterbury	William	PRATTE	1486	29	125
Woolwich	William de	PREONE	1404	23	326
Bonnington	John	PRICE	1589	26	611
Wrotham	Richard	PULL	1411	01	021
Lydd	JOHN	PULTON	1474-05-09	58	133
Lydd	RICHARD	PULTON	1477-02-13	58	134
Lydd	MARGARET	PULTON	1484-06-03 (sic)	58	133
Lydd	HENRY	PULTON	1488-09-25	58	135
Lydd	JOHN	PULTON	1499-06-06	58	136
Lydd	JOHN	PULTON	1513-09-27	57	34
Maidstone	Joh'es	PYCCARDE	1453	21	026
Staplehurst	John	PYCKYNDEN	1564	32	001
Staplehurst	JOHN	PYCKYNDEN	1564-05-05	56	37
Upchurch	John	PYERSON	1534	30	322
Chiddingstone	John	PYGOT	1563	19	318
Chiddingstone	Henry	PYGOT	1594	19	294
Chiddingstone	Henry	PYGOTT	1618	19	387
Bromley	Andrew	PYKEMAN	1391	07	012
Sittingbourne	Joh'es	PYKENHAM	1436	28	083
Halling	Edmund	PYKERING	1489	18	141
Snodland	Edmund	PYKERING	1489	18	140
Mereworth	John	PYKERTON	1487	02	149
Mereworth	John	PYKERTON	1487	11	090
East Peckham	William	PYKYNHAM	1497	02	197
Sandwich	John	PYLBOROUGH	1520	44	166
Chalk	Stephen	PYLBOROW	1475	18	098
Hoo	Thomas	PYMPE	1473	18	104
West Malling	Thomas	PYMPE	1473	18	104
Milton	John	PYNE	1520	31	337
Gillingham	John	PYRRYE	1555	06	710
Yalding	William	PYX	1493	12	151

R

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Sittingbourne	Joh'es	RABY	1400	23	275
Rochester	Joh'es	RANSON	1464	17	062
Canterbury	Robert	RAULYN	1416	21	080
Hythe	Richard	RAWLYN	1455	43	021
Sittingbourne	Robert	RAWLYN	1526	28	006
Sutton at Hone	John	RAWLYNS	1526	09	288
Canterbury	Robert	RAYNHULL	1416	21	085
Birling	Robert	READE	1558	16	638
Tenterden	Ed.	READE	1589	27	737
Chiddingstone	Robert	REDE	1518	03	323
Barming	William	REDE	1527	14	340
Sandwich	Thomas	REDMAN	1514	44	165
Ashford	MARY	REDWOOD	1556-04-03	52	14
Leeds	Thomas	REED	1574	33	246
Leeds	Joh'es	REIGNOLDE	1492	33	153
Leeds	Joh'es	REIGNOLDE	1492	33	156
Leeds	JOHN	REIGNOLDE	1492-01-08	51	85
Ruckinge	Joh'es	RENTON	1459	39	441
West Farleigh	Joh'es	REVE	1409	22	222
Lydd	RICHARD	REYE	1479-07-01	58	136
Stoke	Thomas	REYGATE	1404	17	017
Biddenden	John	RICARDE	1537	40	528
Biddenden	JOHN	RICARDE	1552-06-29	55	15
West Wickham	David ap	RICE	1535	09	329
High Halden	ROBERT	RICHARD	1500	53	1
Lydd	WILLIAM	RICHARD	1483-03-20	58	137
Halden	Robert	RICHARD	1500	36	082
Lydd	ALICE	RICHARD	1505-06-18	58	138
Canterbury	Joh'es	RICHARDSON	1511	30	251
Harbledown	Joh'es	RICHARDSON	1511	30	251
Linton	Walter	RICHE	1488	33	141
Orpington	Nicholas	RICLOS(?)	1371	25	514
Folkestone	William	RIDER	1449	43	12
Eynsford	Robert	RIGEMAN	1493	02	165
Brenchley	John	ROBARDES	1532	14	363
Maidstone	Thomas	ROBERARD	1424	32	075
Cranbrook	Joh'es	ROBERD	1460	40	563
Cranbrook	JOHN	ROBERD	1460-02-01	49	1
Hawkhurst	ALICE	ROBERD	1515-05-23	60	17
Brenchley	Thomas	ROBERD	1517	13	258
Hawkhurst	JOHN	ROBERT	1499-10-15	60	7
Halden	Martyn	ROBERTH	1551	38	225
High Halden	MARTYNE	ROBERTH	1551-10-21	53	12
Cranbrook	Walter	ROBERTHE	1522	39	388
Cranbrook	WALTER	ROBERTHE	1522-10-18	49	44
Goudhurst	Agnes	ROBERTS	1494	37	143
West Peckham	Agnes	ROBERTS	1494	37	143
Goudhurst	AGNES	ROBERTS	1496-07-02	54	4
Appledore	Edmond	ROBYN	1533	37	116
Appledore	EDMONDE	ROBYN	1533-05-19	53	39
Fawkham	John	ROBYNSON	1515	19	241
Rochester	William	ROCHESTER	1443	21	029
Leeds	JOHN	ROGER	1489	51	84
Otford	William	ROGER	1475	01	097
Leeds	John	ROGER	1489	33	146
Ulcombe	Thomas	ROGER	1530	34	228
Stone	John	ROGER	1536	20	380
Biddenden	John	ROGER	1560	42	739
Biddenden	JOHN	ROGER	1560-02-07	55	19
Lydd	RICHARD	ROLFFE	1495	58	138
Erith	Mary	ROLLISLEY	1540	09	353
Cliffe	Richard	RONHALE	1400	23	281
Canterbury	William de	ROOS	1412	26	696
Canterbury	Joh'es	ROPER	1402	23	300
Lydd	JOHN	ROPER	1491-01-17	58	138
Lydd	AGNES	ROPER	1496-04-21	58	139
Greenwich	Christopher	ROPER	1554	31	373
Lynsted	Christopher	ROPER	1559	31	373
Wye	John	ROSE	1505	44	118
Wye	Thomas	ROSE	1526	44	195
Wye	John	ROSE	1540	45	279
Dartford	William	ROTHELEY	1463	07	085
Sittingbourne	Edmond	ROTHERFORD	1505	30	264
Canterbury	Joh'es	ROTHERHAM	1492	29	164
Maidstone	JOHN	ROUWE	1425-07-25	47	1
Aylesford	Thomas	ROWE	1417	11	011
Boxley	Joh'es	ROWE	1476	32	118
Boxley	JOHN	ROWE	1476-07-05	52	25
Leigh	Ann	ROWE	1538	15	467
Leigh	Robert	ROWE	1538	15	465
Brasted	John	ROWLAND	1464	01	060
Higham	John	RUSHELL	1538	20	376
Birling	Philippa	RUSSEL	1458	11	045
Maidstone	Salamon	RUSSELL	1394	32	063
Maidstone	Johanna	RUSSELL	1488	18	139
Strood	Johanna	RUSSELL	1488	18	139
Strood	John	RUSSELL	1496	18	163
Loose	Walter	RYCHE	1488	33	141
Canterbury	Joh'es	RYCHER	1445	21	038
Lee	Thomas	RYCULFF	1452	21	013
Westerham	Henry	RYDON	1531	14	404
Canterbury	Roger	RYE	1425	22	129
Rochester	William	RYKEL	1407	23	342
Rochester	Rosa	RYKYLL	1418	21	094
Sarre	Thomas	RYMPYNGDON	1511	18	221

S

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Hollingbourne	John	SALMON	1509	33	220
Hollingbourne	JOHN	SALMON	1509-10-10	51	72
Horsmonden	John	SAMPSON	1491	12	133
Horsmonden	Alice	SAMPSON	1508	33	218
East Peckham	John	SAMPSON of HORSMONDEN	1491	12	133
Erith	Thomas	SAMSON	1539	09	348
Erith	Adam	SAMSON	1540	09	353
Lydd	THOMAS	SAMWELL	1505?	58	139
Frindesbury	John	SANDFORD	1531	45	327
Ickham	John	SANDFORD	1551	45	327
Throwley	Robert	SANDS	1523	31	339
Bobbing	Elianora	SAUAGE	1375	24	427
Bobbing	Johanna	SAUAGE	1413	28	068
Bobbing	Arnold	SAUAGE	1420	22	104
Bobbing	Katherine	SAUAGE	1436	22	175
Canterbury	William	SAUAGE	1471	29	209
Canterbury	William	SAUNDER	1472	43	058
Allington	John	SAVELL	1545	15	573
Aylesford	John	SAVELL	1545	15	573
Frindesbury	Peter	SAVERY	1457	17	036
Rochester	John	SAWYERE	1410	17	019
Middleton	Sampson	SAYER	1500	29	169
Newington	Sampon	SAYER	1500	29	169
Detling	William	SAYER	1514	33	234
Detling	WILLIAM	SAYER	1517-07-29	51	30
Westgate on Sea	Thomas	SAYMOR	1488	43	077
Rochester	Joh'es de	SCAPEYA	1360	25	580
Lynsted	William	SCHARPYNG	1392	28	057
Chiddingstone	Richard	SCORYAR	1540	05	637
Brabourne	John	SCOTT	1485	43	067
Brabourne	Sibil	SCOTT	1528	44	212
Brabourne	William	SCOTT	1528	44	180
Canterbury	Sibill	SCOTT	1528	44	212
Smarden	Stephen	SCOTT	1530	34	226
Aldington	Raynolde	SCOTT	1554	34	290
Smeeth	Raynolde	SCOTT	1554	34	290
Brabourne	William	SCOTTE	1428	22	163
Brabourne	Agnes	SCOTTE	1487	46	362
Smarden	STEPHAN	SCOTTE	1531-07-10	53	78
Northfleet	John	SCOTTE	1557	06	726
Romney	Richard	SCRAS	1499	03	262
Lydd	JOAN	SEARLIS	1486-05-23	58	142
Lydd	JOHN	SEARLYS	1477-03-20	58	141
Lydd	Mildred	SEBROND	1588	26	723
Lydd	VINCENT	SEDELE	1487-10-25	58	143
Rochester	John	SEDLE	1530	19	338
Southfleet	John	SEDLEY	1530	19	338
Southfleet	William	SEDLEY	1553	20	473
Lydd	THOMAS	SEFFOGYLL	1499-06-06	58	143
Lydd	WILLIAM	SEFOWLE	1505	58	143
Goudhurst	John	SELBRYTENDEN	1407	23	351
Crayford	Richard	SELBY	1447	26	698
Brasted	John	SELYARD	1558	06	739
Brasted	Thomas	SELYARDE	1534	05	576
Edenbridge	Thomas	SELYARDE	1559	16	621
Erith	Roger	SENDER	1425	07	046
Canterbury	Elizabeth	SEPTVANS	1447	21	046
Milton	William	SEPTVANS	1448	21	045
Halstow	Thomas	SERLE	1540	28	025
Sevenoaks	William	SEVENOAK	1432	01	050
Sevenoaks	William	SEVENOAKS		11	033
Tonbridge	William	SEVER	1517	13	266
Leyborne	Thomas	SEWELL	1527	13	334
Wrotham	Walter	SEXTEN	1485	02	162
Ulcombe	John	SEYNTLEGER	1441	23	248
Yalding	Peter	SHAKURLEY	1526	14	353
Lydd	THOMAS	SHALWELL	1493-03-21	58	144
Lydd	THOMAS	SHALWELL	1501-11-11	58	145
Lydd	AGNES	SHALWELL	1507-	58	144
Benenden	Richard	SHARPE	1553	42	750
Benenden	RICHARDE	SHARPE	1553-01-26	60	58
Smarden	Thomas	SHARPE	1559	26	665
Cranbrook	James	SHARPP	1549	40	533
Cranbrook	JAMES	SHARPP	1550-04-22	49	79
Trottiscliffe	Thomas	SHAW	1543	15	550
Cranbrook	Richard	SHEFF	1534	39	367
Cranbrook	RICHARD	SHEFF	1557-09-24	50	107
Chilham	Thomas de	SHEFFELDE	1577	44	130
Swanscomb	Richard	SHELLEY	1413	23	236
Bexley	John	SHELLEY	1531	05	574
Hawkhurst	Abraham	SHERNEWELL	1649	36	031
Newington	Richard	SHERRIFF	1605	27	740
Romney	Waulter	SHIRINGTON	1448	21	054
Tenterden	Galfridus	SHORTE	1508	36	065
Tenterden	GEOFFREY	SHORTE	1509-04-26	59	18
Hadlow	Annys	SHUSHE	1556	15	537
Eynsford	John	SIBBILL	1502	03	234
Lydd	RICHARD	SIMON	1463-12-15	58	146
Lydd	JOHN	SIMON	1474-06-16	58	146
Bilsington	John	SIMOND	1504	38	276
Ruckinge	John	SIMOND	1504	38	276
Bilsington	JOHN	SIMOND	1504-06-22	61	1
Marden	Charles	SINGLETON	1606	27	740
Eastling	Thomas	SLANEY	1538	31	429
Goudhurst	Stephen	SLEGGE	1460	17	053
Wouldham	Stephen	SLEGGE	1460	17	053
Smarden	JOHN	SLEPYDEN	1534-04-13	53	80
Shorne	Richard	SMYTH	1452	21	018
Lydd	JOHN	SMYTH	1471-11-08	58	148
Horsmonden	Joh'es	SMYTH	1504	12	198
Borstall	Nicholas	SMYTH	1505	18	179
Goudhurst	Nicholas	SMYTH	1507	38	293
Goudhurst	NICHOLAS	SMYTH	1507-02-14	54	9
Faversham	Peter	SMYTH	1522	30	316
Sittingbourne	Peter	SMYTH	1522	30	316
Cliffe	John	SMYTH	1548	06	689
Maidstone	Robert	SMYTHE	1457	32	086
Shorne	John	SMYTHE	1457	17	036
Maidstone	Dom. ROBERT	SMYTHE	1457-12-03	47	3
Ospringe	John	SMYTHE	1488	29	153
Rochester	Nicholas	SMYTHE	1505	18	179
Chatham	Joh'es	SMYTHE	1522	19	277
Crayford	Stevyn	SMYTHE	1528	04	411
Goudhurst	Joane	SMYTHE	1549	40	536
Snave	John	SMYTHE	1549	40	548
Goudhurst	JOANE	SMYTHE	1549-06-05	54	60
Snave	JOHN	SMYTHE	1549-11-22	57	30
Addington	William	SNAYTH	1409	22	212
Hunton	John	SNOWDE	1551	06	703
Higham	Joh'es	SOMER	1427	28	085
Sandwich	John	SOMER	1521	44	199
Cranbrook	Peter	SOMER	1589	26	615
Eastling	Thomas	SONDES	1478	31	416
Throwley	Elizabeth	SONDES	1510	30	286
Ospringe	William	SONDES	1515	30	284
Throwley	William	SONDES	1515	30	284
Throwley	William	SONDES	1543	31	343
Shoreham	Joh'es	SPEHAM	1420	22	117
Lyminge	John	SPICER	1511	44	214
Linton	Marion	SPONELEY	1485	32	055
Old Romney	EDWARDE	SPONER	1549-05-28	57	10
Lydd	STEPHEN	SPOONER	1495-01-14	58	148
Romney	Ed.	SPOONER	1549	40	547
Northfleet	Anne	SPRACKMAN	1615	26	680
Cliff	Henry	SPRAGE	1511	03	286
Dartford	William	SPREVER	1525	09	261
Sandwich	Joh'es	SPRINGET	1489	43	084
West Wickham	Thomas	SQUERY	1414	07	025
Penshurst	Phillip	ST. CLERE	1408	24	355
Leeds	Bartholomew	ST. LEGER	1516	33	238
Ulcombe	Rauf	ST. LEGER	1517	33	274
Ulcombe	Anthony	ST. LEGER	1559	35	367
Minster	Thomas de	ST. NICHOLAS	1415	43	006
Minster	Thomas	ST. NICOLAS	1375	24	425
Canterbury	Edmund	STABLEGATE	1362	25	538
Sutton at Hone	William	STAFFORD	1514	09	246
Dartford	Nicholas	STATHAM	1538	09	351
Chevening	William	STEEL	1371	25	537
Wickham	Joh'es	STENE	1375	24	418
Middleton	William	STEPHYN	1476	29	178
Smarden	John	STEPYNDER	1533	34	241
Maidstone	Robert	STETHER	1528	34	205
Penshurst	John	STEVENSON	1556	06	718
Lydd	ELENE	STEVYN	1499-04-18	58	149
Lydd	WILLIAM	STEVYN	1499-05?-18	58	149
Eynsford	Henry	STOK	1524	04	393
Lydd	WILLIAM	STOKHAM	1469-12-14	58	150
Lydd	JOHN	STOKHAM	1488-02-08	58	151
Milton	Lawrence	STOKWOOD	1471	29	184
Romney	Joh'es	STOKYS	1405	23	318
Middleton	John	STONDON	1477	29	181
Ivychurch	Henry atte	STONE	1475	37	187
Saltwood	Richard	STONE	1503	44	116
Midley	HENRY	STONE, ATT	1475-11-07	57	44
Sittingbourne	Lawrence	STONESTRETE	1450	21	027
Snodland	Walter	STONYNG	1531	19	321
Biddenden	Richard	STOONE	1458	39	442
Biddenden	RICHARD	STOONE	1458-05-23	55	1
Hollingbourne	Christiana	STOPAN	1405	23	332
Canterbury	Joh'es	STOPYNDON	1447	21	038
Dartford	Beatrice	STOUGHTON	1491	08	170
Maidstone	Joh'es	STOYL	1367	25	539
Staplehurst	William	STRANTON	1529	32	027
Staplehurst	WILLIAM	STRANTON	1529-12-01	56	31
Meopham	Thomas	STRAWTON	1473	01	092
Tenterden	Joh'es	STREKYNBOLD	1505	36	013
Tenterden	JOHN	STREKYNBOLD	1505-11-07	59	16
Mereworth	William	STRETE	1385	11	004
Sandhurst	Thomas	STRETENDE	1450	39	423
Sandhurst	THOMAS	STRETENDE	1451-08-01	59	47
Ulcombe	Thomas	STUBB	1509	33	222
Northfleet	William	STUBBES	1553	06	697
Tonbridge	Nicholas	STYDULFE	1473	11	063
Stone	John	STYLL	1556	35	330
Stone-in-Oxney	JOHN	STYLL	1557-10-28	53	65
Wrotham	John	SUNDRESSCH	1425	01	046
Charing	Roger de	SUTTON	1378	24	441
Southfleet	Richard	SWAN	1429	17	029
Canterbury	Johanna	SWAN	1504	30	270
Lydd	JOHN	SWAN or SWAYNE	1494-04-18	58	152
Southfleet	William	SWANNE	1533	20	361
Maidstone	John	SWEHAM	1501	33	197
Maidstone	JOHN	SWEHAM	1503-01-09	47	23
Cray	William	SWELESYRE	1527	09	291
Boughton Malherbe	William	SWERENDEN	1469	32	088
Boughton Malherb	WILLIAM	SWERENDEN	1469-05-06	52	53
Lydd	JOAN	SWETYNG	1508	58	153
Lydd	JOHN	SWETYNG	1508	58	152
Brasted	John	SWOONE	1539	05	600
Maidstone	WILLIAM	SWYNHAN	1492/3-01-04	47	13
Maidstone	Robert	SYBBETHORP	1390	24	391
Bromley	Thomas	SYBYLE	1421	07	020
Egerton	WILLIAM	SYDNOR	1514-02-26	51	38
Leeds	William	SYDNOR	1574	33	336
Rayham	Richard	SYFF	1476	29	188
Upchurch	Richard	SYFF	1476	29	188
Rayham	William	SYMMES	1439	28	081
Lydd	WILLIAM	SYMOND	1486-03-16	58	147
Lydd	JOHN	SYMOND	1501-11-11	58	147
Ashford	JOHN	SYMONDE	1513-04-27	52	5
Mongcham	John	SYMONDE	1573	37	129
Bromley	Robert	SYMPSON	1471	32	121
Marden	ROBERT	SYMPSON	1471-11-06	56	1
Westerham	George	SYMPSON	1556	15	535
Leigh	Thomas	SYSAY	1404	11	008

T

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Romney	Joh'es	TALBOT	1402	23	310
Gravesend	William	TANNER	1464	17	073
Ulcombe	Thomas	TANNER	1482	32	047
Harrietsham	HENRY	TATLLOR	1408-08-31	51	50
Bromley	William	TAVERNER	1466	07	095
Romney	Radulphus	TAYLOR	1508	36	040
Romney Marsh	RALPH	TAYLOR	1509-06-18	57	2
Biddenden	Simon	TAYLOR	1543	38	234
Biddenden	SIMON	TAYLOR	1545-11-03	55	10
Biddenden	John	TAYLOR	1560	26	646
Edenbridge	William	TAYLOUR	1483	11	066
Hythe	Thomas	TAYLOUR	1589	26	642
Cranbrook	Nicholas	TAYLOURE	1555	40	500
Cranbrook	NICHOLAS	TAYLOURE	1555-09-23	50	104
Seal	Thomas	TEBALDE	1530	16	601
Seal	Thomas	TEBALDE	1550	16	606
Seal	John	TEBOLD	1501	12	191
Cranbrook	Robard	TEBOLD	1515	36	022
Cranbrook	ROBERT	TEBOLD	1515-10-30	49	40
Seal	John	TEBOLDE	1546	15	493
Bearsted	Thomas	TEGALDE	1550	16	601
Chilham	Ed.	THAITES	1549	45	312
East Peckham	Robert	THECHER	1527	04	403
Lydd	JOAN	THEMENSUTOR	1488-09-25	58	153
Swanscomb	Reginald	THOMAS	1492	18	153
Lamberhurst	William	THOMAS	1530	13	308
Dartford	William	THOMAS	1576	09	243
Sevenoaks	Richard	THOMAS	1614	26	686
West Farleigh	John	THOMPSONS	1540	15	571
Faversham	John	THORNBURY	1473	29	213
Kingsnorth	RICHARD	THORNETON	1514-07-03	53	71
Kingsnorth	Richard	THORNETON	1573	39	460
Faversham	Henry	THORP	1416	28	076
Lydd	THOMAS	THORPE	1504	58	153
Bexley	John	THREPLAND	1468	01	077
Lydd	THOMAS	THUNDER	1474-05-26	57	33
Canterbury	Elizabeth	THURSTON	1520	19	262
Leigh	Elizabeth	THURSTON	1520	19	262
Strood	Elizabeth	THURSTON	1520	19	262
Bishopsbourne	William	THYNGHULL	1370	25	545
Headcorn	William	TIGHMAN	1493	33	163
Pluckley	William	TILGHMAN	1493	33	163
Maidstone	Thomas	TOBYE	1515	33	268
Lydd	JULIANA	TOFFT	1464-01-19	58	154
Bredgar	Robert	TOGOSE	1409	22	218
Chart	John	TOKE	1511	37	140
Great Chart	JOHN	TOKE	1513-07-02	53	73
Lydd	THOMAS	TOLKYN	1499-06-06	58	155
Lydd	AGNES	TOLKYN	1501-04-01	58	155
Horsmonden	Joh'es	TOLY	1483	11	065
Birling	Richard	TOMBER	1545	20	431
Ditton	Richard	TOMBER	1545	20	431
Faversham	Semannus de	TONGE	1414	21	064
Cray	Denyse	TONGE	1505	08	217
Romney	Smith	TOOKEY	1652	36	087
Maidstone	William	TOPCLYF	1383	24	368
East Malling	Thomas	TORKE	1554	06	705
Lydd	ALICE	TORPE	1508	58	156
Lydd	MARGARET	TOSTE (TOFTE)	1508-09-23	58	156
Sevenoaks	Robert	TOTTISHERST	1512	03	297
Lydd	ROGER	TOUNESHENDE	1538-10-28	57	35
Woolwich	Henry	TREWYN	1421	22	120
Sutton Valence	Joh'es	TREWYN	1483	32	048
Canterbury	John	TRICER	1490	29	160
Rochester	Thomas	TRILLEK	1372	25	509
Harietsham	Henry	TRYLLOR	1408	32	064
Canterbury	Elizabeth	TRYVET	1421	22	160
Stoke	Richard	TUDER	1479	18	119
Cliffe	Stevyn	TUDOR	1509	04	351
Strood	Richard	TUMBER	1545	20	431
Ditton	James	TUNBREGE	1546	15	511
Mereworth	Joh'es	TURK	1491	12	139
Mereworth	Joh'ne	TURKE	1491	12	144
Swanscomb	Richard	TURKE	1539	20	420
Cowden	Agnes	TURNER	1539	16	661
Cuxton	John	TURNER	1545	20	427
Lydd	WILLIAM	TURNOR	1433-09-12	58	156
Cowden	William	TURNOR	1511	13	230
Newenden	John	TURSDEN	1540	39	329
West Farleigh	Richard	TUTTESHAM	1498	12	178
West Peckham	Richard	TUTTISHAM	1528	13	325
Newenden	JOHN	TWISDEN	1542-06-14	60	28
Wye	William	TWYSDEN	1549	45	318
Edenbridge	Mauricus	TYCHBURNE	1506	16	611
Edenbridge	Richard	TYCHBURNE	1549	16	596
Edenbridge	John	TYCHBURNE	1556	16	616
Maidstone	Roger	TYLDEN	1502	33	229
Maidstone	ROGER	TYLDEN	1509-06-27	47	30
Shoreham	Richard	TYLLISWORTH	1500	03	250

U, V

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Hadlow	Joh'es	UMFREY	1499	12	186
Southfleet	John	URBAN	1420	17	024
Addington	Robert	URMISTONE	1559	16	646
Chelsfield	William	UVEDALE	1449	21	056
Boxley	William	VALLEY	1511	33	200
Boxley	WILLIAM	VALLEY	1512-04-27	52	28
Maidstone	William	VANS	1368	25	565
Sevenoaks	Dan	VAPHOPKIN	1473	01	095
Ripple	William	VAUGHAN	1545	45	290
Maidstone	Richard	VEDYAN	1516	33	270
Maidstone	RICHARD	VEDYAN	1516-01-03	47	56
Stone	William	VENER	1545	20	438
Canterbury	Robert	VERTUE	1506	30	298
Herne	Robert	VERTUE	1506	30	298
Beckenham	Henry	VIOLET	1505	08	210
Canterbury		VISIT TO SCHOOL BY ARCHBISHOP	1560	26	654
Boxley	Robert	VYNTER	1368	25	559

W

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Stone	Thomas	WADE	1496	18	169
Dartford	Thomas	WADLOWE	1533	09	325
Chepsted	John	WAILETT	1487	02	131
Deptford	Thomas	WALDEN	1473	08	127
Erith	Richard	WALDEN	1532	09	343
Lydd	JOHN	WALKER	1493-07-18	58	158
Wye	Richard	WALKER	1543	45	284
Speldhurst	John	WALLER	1514	13	264
Leigh	William	WALLER	1534	15	527
Speldhurst	William	WALLER	1554	15	527
Lamberhurst	Katherine	WALLERE	1423	22	122
East Peckham	Walter	WALSHE	1575	04	381
Chislehurst	Thomas	WALSINGHAM	1457	07	070
Chelsfield	William	WALSINGHAM	1532	09	328
Chelsfield	William	WALSINGHAM	1532	09	328
Cliff	Robert de	WALTON	1376	24	443
Addington	William	WALTON	1463	11	051
Rochester	William	WALWYN	1471	18	129
Gravesend	John	WANDESWORTH	1517	19	272
Maidstone	Richard	WANDON	1547	34	279
Maidstone	RICHARD	WANDON	1548-08-24	47	83
Lydd	WILLIAM	WANSTALL	1476-08-01	58	158
Lydd	WILLIAM or JOANE	WANSTALL	1477-06-19	58	159
East Farleigh	Tomsen	WARD	1615	26	675
Isle of Grain	Robert	WARDE	1515	04	379
Tonbridge	William	WARE	1506	12	214
Lydd	JOHN	WAREN	1486-01-26	58	160
Herne	John	WAREN	1538	45	263
Adisham	Richard de	WARMYNGTONE	1378	24	447
Hoo	William	WARNER	1540	20	390
Rochester	William	WARNER	1540	20	390
Stoke	Robert	WARREN	1544	20	433
Canterbury	John	WARREYN	1538	28	047
Luddenham	Richard	WARVEN	1453	13	24
Chiddingstone	William	WATER	1552	06	694
Snargate	Joh'es	WATFORD	1308	25	503
Rochester	Richard	WATTES	1532	31	410
Ivychurch	William	WATTES	1535	40	572
Ivychurch	WILLYAM	WATTES	1555-11-04	57	20
West Peckham	Richard	WATTES	1572	31	418
Lydd	WILLIAM	WATTLE (WATTES)	1489-02-11	58	160
Addington	Edmond	WATTON	1527	14	337
Benenden	Thomas	WATTS	1548	40	551
Benenden	THOMAS	WATTS	1548-06-04	60	56
Kingston	Richard	WAYLLES	1529	45	247
Charing	Joh'es	WAYNFLETE	1425	22	127
Elham	Symon	WEBBE	1545	45	303
Faversham	John	WEBBE	1556	29	136
Boxley	John	WEBBES	1514	44	148
Sandwich	John	WEBBES	1514	44	148
West Wickham	Thomas	WEDDER	1522	09	256
Lydd	ISABELLE	WEDERDEN	1494-	58	166
Halling	Robert	WEDYNGTON	1437	17	033
Snodland	Robert	WEDYNGTON	1437	17	033
Ebony	ROBERT	WEKES	1518-07-28	53	20
Hever	Nicholas	WEKES	1557	06	717
Ebony	Robert	WEKES	1578	41	598
West Peckham	Richard	WELBECK	1513	13	247
Wickhambreaux	Henry	WELDE	1420	22	102
Lewisham	Joh'es	WELLES	1442	23	257
Faversham	Peter	WELLES	1450	28	066
Southfleet	Joh'es	WELLES	1452	17	011
Northbourne	Joh'es	WESTHORP	1408	24	357
Wrotham	John	WESTON	1420	01	028
Dover	John	WHALLEY	1537	45	260
Wingham	Alice	WHARTHOW	1509	44	145
East Peckham	William	WHETENHALL	1539	05	607
Cranbrook	Robert	WHITBY	1509	36	034
Cranbrook	ROBERT	WHITBY alias DURHAM	1509-06-27	49	34
Lydd	RICHARD	WHITE	1492-10-25	58	161
Kennington	William	WHITE	1536	14	451
Kennington	WILLIAM	WHITE	1536-11-10	51	76
Crayford	Matthew	WHITE	1550	06	692
Sutton	William	WHYNTERTON	1560	26	666
Stone	John	WHYTUOR	1498	18	167
Shoreham	Thomas	WIBORN	1532	04	446
Dartford	William	WIGGAN	1526	09	257
Rochester	John	WILBOVE	1551	20	440
Sandwich	John	WILKINS	1516	44	157
Leigh	John	WILLARDE	1505	12	202
Lydd	RAFE	WILLCOCKS	1555-01-23	57	36
Lydd	RICHARD	WILLIAM	1474-03-30	58	162
Lydd	JOHN	WILLIAM	1488-05-08	58	162
Chiddingstone	Thomas	WILLOUGHBY	1544	03	225
Chiddingstone	Briget	WILLOUGHBY	1558	06	719
Stone	John	WILSHER	1526	19	290
Tonbridge	John	WITTONSTALL	1483	11	073
Aylesford	William	WODCOK	1507	12	213
Lydd	JOHN	WODDE at	1505-11-13	58	164
Edenbridge	Joh'es	WODECOK	1408	11	013
Crayford	Robert	WODEFORD	1486	02	144
Orpington	Joh'es	WODEHULL	1382	24	367
Ashford	Richard	WODEWARDE	1516	41	594
Ashford	RICHARD	WODEWARDE	1517-02-09	52	9
Maidstone	ROBERTE	WOLDEHAM	1501-09-24	47	21
Maidstone	Robert	WOLDHAM	1501	33	192
Benenden	Johes	WOLFE	1490	38	211
Benenden	JOHN	WOLFE	1490-	60	37
Lydd	JOAN	WOLVEN	1497-06-16	58	163
Lydd	JOHN	WOLVYN	1497-03-16	58	163
Southfleet	Henry	WOMBEWELL	1508	19	231
Northfleet	Thomas	WOMBWELL	1483	02	118
Chiddingstone	John	WOOD	1486	02	124
Brookland	THOMAS	WOOD	1546-01-12	57	13
Brookland	Thomas	WOOD	1556	39	384
Snodland	Allen	WOOD	1556	20	458
Sandwich	John	WOODCHURCH	1501	44	113
Canterbury	Margaret	WOODE	1539	31	344
Sutton at Hone	Thomas	WOODE	1547	10	404
Chiddingstone	William	WOODGATE	1540	05	635
Brenchley	Walter	WOODGATE	1657	36	086
Bexley	Ambrose	WOOLLEY	1557	06	742
Boughton Malherbe	Ursula	WOOTTON	1553	15	518
Boughton Malherbe	William	WOOTTON	1556	15	534
Sandwich	Robert	WORTELEY	1506	44	126
Boughton Malherbe	Nicholas	WOTTON	1447	21	048
Boughton Malherbe	Robert	WOTTON	1523	34	219
Boughton Malherb	ROBERT	WOTTON	1524-06-07	52	60
Boughton Malherbe	Ed.	WOTTON	1550	35	313
Boughton Malherb	EDWARD	WOTTON	1551-11-19	52	67
Boughton Malherb	VRSULA	WOTTON	1554-06-07	52	74
Boughton Malherb	WILLYAM	WOTTON	1556-12-01	52	76
Peckham	John	WRETILL	1417	01	026
Cobham	William	WRIGHT	1507	08	239
Westerham	Thomas	WRIGHT	1544	16	575
Tunstall	Ralph	WULFF	1525	28	001
Allington	Henry	WYATTE	1537	15	457
Tonbridge	Anthony	WYBERNE	1528	14	355
Maidstone	Richard	WYBORNE	1545	34	260
Maidstone	RICHARD	WYBORNE	1545-11-22	47	79
Maidstone	Richard	WYDENYLE	1441	23	240
Lydd	STEPHEN	WYDERDEN	1494-04-18	58	166
Cray	William	WYKEHERST	1413	23	234
Malling(South Malling)	Adam de	WYKEMERE	1381	24	373
Cowden	John	WYKENDEN	1537	16	662
Cowden	John	WYKENDEN	1557	16	637
Biddenden	Joh'es	WYLCOKE	1441	22	199
Cranbrook	JAMES SIR	WYLFORD	1550-11-26	50	98
Ashford	Jamys	WYLLIAMS	1522	41	599
Ashford	John	WYLLIAMS	1522-06-21	52	14
Lydd	THOMAS	WYNDAY	1471-01-11(1460)	58	164
Lydd	THOMAS	WYNDAY	1482-10-22	58	166
Goudhurst	Joh'es	WYNSHURST	1410	22	215
Horton	Richard	WYNSLEY	1420	43	002
Tudeley	Thomas	WYSEMAN	1509	13	236
East Farleigh	Joh'es	WYSENDEN	1492	33	152
Loose	Joh'es	WYSENDEN	1492	35	152
Canterbury	James	WYTHALL	1527	31	341
Whitstable	James	WYTHALL	1527	31	341

Y

Place

Christian Name

Surname

Date

Book No

Page No

Marden	Joh'es	YERD	1450	26	709
Maidstone	Simon	YOMAN	1527	34	217
Maidstone	SIMON	YOMAN	1528-10-08	47	71
Bexley	Thomas	YONG	1375	24	462
Rochester	Richard	YONG	1418	21	092
Lydd	THOMAS	YONG	1484-07-26	58	167
Frindesbury	Harry	YONG	1507	18	200
Frindesbury	Johane	YONG	1507	18	202
Frindesbury	William	YONG	1507	18	203
Wingham	Andreas	YONGE	1408	23	230

Dr Christopher Monk 03/08/2023 Dr Christopher Monk 03/08/2023

Two medical recipes recorded at St Andrew’s Priory, Rochester, c.1235

Transcription of Custumale Roffense 4r-5r by Jacob Scott (reviewed by Dr Christopher Monk). Translation and commentary by Dr Christopher Monk.

Clearly unrelated in subject matter to the custumal, which is a survey of tenants’ rents, services and customs, they were nevertheless deemed important enough to preserve. It is very likely that the monks of St Andrew’s Priory were prone to suffer from common health problems. This may partially explain why the following medical recipes for urinary and skin conditions were preserved by the monks and, at some point, bound with the custumal.

Among the monks there would likely have been individuals who at some point had studied medical texts that were circulating in England at the time the recipes were penned. These monks would have been practiced in using herbs grown in the priory gardens (and possibly beyond) in order to treat the sick. They would have collaborated with the priory’s infirmary attendants, the duties of whom are outlined in a further section added to the custumal on the subject of the priory’s lay servants.

The method of the first recipe for treating strangury and dysuria – painful urinary conditions – is self-evidently for male patients, which is of course what we would expect in a community of monks.

The second recipe for ulceration and abrasions may have been relevant to the treatment of ‘leprosy’ – an umbrella term in medieval medicine that corresponds today to a number of diseases affecting the skin, but evidently also Hansen’s Disease, the preferred modern name for leprosy.¹ The significance of this is that the priory established the hospital of Saint Bartholomew in Chatham (on the outskirts of Rochester), at least as early as the 1120s, which according to one contemporaneous source was ‘built for lepers’.² Pertinently, symptoms of tuberculoid leprosy may include ulceration and fissured skin – cuts, sores and abrasions – which easily become infected.³

The two medical recipes are completed by a short invocation in a mix of Anglo-Norman French and Latin and an instruction to recite the Lord’s Prayer. It is likely that these would have been said whilst the treatments were being administered.

Transcription

_Contra⁴ stranguriam et dysuriam. Accipe
radicem Raffani, et tere, et deinde decoquo-
que in uino albo et oderifero cum Radice vismalue⁵
usque ad tertiam partem liquoris decoque. In fine decoc-
tionis, appone furfur triticeum et fac emplastrum,
et circumliga uirilem uirgam, ita calidum quam
paciens pati possit. Istud emplastrum faciendum est
per triduum ad cubitum. Istud emplastrum per furfur suf-
ficienter inspissetur.

_Contra ulceracionem et excoriaconem. Accipe
tapsum barbastem quod gallice dicitur moleine⁶
et summitates rumminis⁷ salicet, Runce, et tanacetum
agreste, et consolidam maiorem, et centinodium.
Istis herbis optime decoctis in bersise; bibat paciens
mane et sero. Sed prius inungat paciens locum dolen-
tem oleo laurino.
_Deus te feznerent oil e buche treis te destez-
nent pere e fiz e seinte espirit.⁸ In nomine pa-
tris et filij et spiriti sancti. Amen. Pater noster. Hoc-
ter dicendum est.

Translation

To counter strangury⁹ and dysuria.¹⁰ Take and grind a radish root, and then boil it in white spiced wine along with the root of marsh-mallow until you reduce the liquor to a third. Into the final decoction add wheat bran and make a poultice, and wrap around the virile rod,¹¹ as hot as the patient can endure. This poultice should be applied for three days at rest. The poultice may be sufficiently thickened by bran.

To counter ulceration and abrasions. Take tapsus barbastus, which in French is called mullein, and the tops of the bramble, namely blackberries, and wild tansy and comfrey and knotgrass. These herbs are best decocted in a barley malt liquor. The patient should drink this in the morning and evening; but first the patient should rub the painful spot with laurel oil.

God bless you and open your eye and mouth entirely [to the]¹² Father and Son and Holy Spirit.

In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. Amen. The Our Father must be said today.¹³

Footnotes

1 See Winston Black (ed.), Medicine and Healing in the Premodern West: A History in Documents (Peterborough, Ontario, Canada: Broadview Press, 2020) p. 201.

2 Though Gundulf, monk-bishop of Rochester (1077-1108), is traditionally seen as the founder of St Bartholomew’s Hospital, this is a fourteenth-century attribution. An early thirteenth-century register from Rochester priory (similar in content to and slightly earlier than Custumale Roffense), located now in the British Library (Vespasian MS A. XXII), attributes the building of the chapel associated with the hospital to Hugh of Trottiscliffe (’Hugo de Trotescliue’), a Rochester monk and later abbot of St Augustine, Canterbury (1126-1151). See Colin Flight, The Bishops and Monks of Rochester 1076-1214 (Maidstone: Kent Archaeological Society, 1997), p. 211; and Richard Sharpe, David X. Carpenter, and Hugh Doherty, ‘Chatham Hospital: Hospital of St Bartholomew; dependency of Rochester cathedral priory’, Charters of William II and Henry I Project, actswilliam2henry1.files.wordpress.com/2014/10/h1-chatham-hosp-2014-1.pdf.

3 Carole Rawcliffe, Leprosy in Medieval England (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2006), p. 2.

4 A scribe would have completed the medical texts by inserting large red initials (C, C, and D) into the spaces that have been left, but this was clearly forgotten.

5 ‘vismalue’, a corrupt medieval Latinisation of Anglo-Norman wimalve (variant of guimave), i.e. the marsh-mallow plant (Althaea officinalis); cf. Bismalva in Tony Hunt, Plant Names of Medieval England (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1989), p. 52.

6 The scribe has made an untidy correction to give what is probably meant to be ‘moleine’, i.e. Old French for ‘mullein’.

7 ‘rumminis’ appears to be an error. The intended meaning is ‘of the bramble’; see rhamnus in the online Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources [accessed 27 July 2023].

8 The transcription of the Anglo-Norman is not entirely satisfactory, due to the creases in the manuscript at this point.

9 Strangury is blockage or irritation at the base of the bladder resulting in very painful urination and a strong desire to urinate.

10 Dysuria is painful or difficult urination.

11 A euphemism for the penis.

12 Due in part to the transcription difficulties related to the creases in the manuscript, the translation of the Anglo-Norman to this point is somewhat unsatisfactory and at some stage may need amending.

13 The ‘Our Father’ (Latin, ‘Pater noster’), i.e. the Lord’s Prayer, or Paternoster.

Dr Christopher Monk 03/08/2023 Dr Christopher Monk 03/08/2023

St Andrew’s Day food payments to Rochester Priory, c.1235

Transcription of the Latin of Custumale Roffense folio 66 along with a translation, by Dr Christopher Monk.

The list below provides the breakdown of the special customary payment – or xenium – made to the court of Rochester Priory on St Andrew’s Day (30th November). Payments came from the manorial estates held by the monastery and took the form of piglets, hens, geese, eggs, sturgeon, lampreys, as well as grain. The manors owing these food payments are listed as Frindsbury, Denton, Wouldham, Southfleet, Stoke, Haddenham and Darenth. All but Haddenham were (and still are) in Kent; Haddenham was (and is) in Buckinghamshire.

Transcription

66r (select folio number to open facsimile)

De exennio sancti Andree. Frendesberj.
De frendesberia : v frecingas, et unum quarterium et quater
uiginti, et iiij gallinas, et xx et unam aucam, et
duo millia et centum ouorum. Inde episcopo quingenta oua, et
celerario quingenta oua, et residua in curiam, et
iij partem de sturgun et de lampridis, et sexaginta¹
fasciculos de furra. Denintune.²
De denitune : unam frecingam et tria quarteria

66v

unius frecinge et xxiiij gallinas, uno anno et altero
xxv, et unam partem de sturgun, et de lampridis, et sex³
uiginti et tria oua. Wuldeham.
De Wuldeham : tres frecingas et dimidiam et xl gallinas, et
duas partes de sturgun et de lampridis, et xl fasciculos de
furra, set hoc contra cartam Gundulfi episcopi. Et notandum quod
super manerium de Wuldeham constituti fuerunt olim de firma⁴
duo menses cum centum solidis, de suthflete. Suthflete
De suthflete: tres frecingas et dimidiam et centum
gallinas et duas partes de sturgun et de lampridis.⁵
De stokes: duas frecingas et xxxvi gallinas et ix⁶
aucas et quingenta oua, residua in curiam et xii
summas auene, et unam partem de sturgun et de⁷
lampridis. Hadenham.
De Hedenham⁸ : piscem ualentem xx sol’.⁹ Derente.
De Derente¹⁰ : dimidium millenarium de lampridis.

Translation

Concerning the customary payment of Saint Andrew.¹¹ Frindsbury.

Concerning Frindsbury: 5 piglets¹² and six quarters [of wheat grain];¹³ and 4 hens, and 21 geese;¹⁴ and two thousand and one hundred eggs.¹⁵ Of these, to the bishop fifty eggs, and to the cellarer fifty eggs, and the remainder to the court [of the priory]; and three parts of sturgeon and of lampreys;¹⁶ and sixty bundles of spelt.¹⁷ – that is, for 1 month –¹⁸

Denton

Concerning Denton: one piglet and three quarters [of wheat grain], a single piglet;¹⁹ and 24 hens one year, and on the alternate [year] 25; and one part of sturgeon and of lamprey; and 123 eggs.²⁰

Wouldham

Concerning Wouldham: three piglets, and a half,²¹ and 40 hens, and two parts of sturgeon and of lampreys, – that is, for 1 month –²² and 40 bundles of spelt – but this is contrary to Bishop Gundulf’s charter.²³ And it should be noted that the above manor of Wouldham there were formerly established two months of rent with a hundred shillings from Southfleet.²⁴ – that is, for 2 months –²⁵

Southfleet

Concerning Southfleet: three piglets and one hundred and fifty hens and two parts of sturgeon and of lampreys. – that is, for 2 months –²⁶

Stoke

Concerning Stoke: two piglets and 36 hens and 9 gees and fifty eggs, the remainder to the court, and 12 seams of oats,²⁷ and one part of sturgeon and of lampreys.

Haddenham

Concerning Haddenham: fish, equivalent value of 20 shillings.²⁸

Darenth

Concerning Darenth: half a thousand of lampreys.

Footnotes

1 A note in the margin records ‘i.e. pro j mense.’

2 ‘Denintune’, an error for ‘Denitune’.

3 A note in the margin records ‘i.e. pro j mense’.

4 A note in the left margin records ‘i.e. pro ijbus mensibus’.

5 A note in the left margin records ‘i.e. pro ijbus mensibus’.

6 A note in the left margin records ‘Stokes. ’

7 A note in the left margin records ‘i.e. pro j mense’.

8 ‘Hedenham’, variant spelling of ‘Hadenham’.

9 The case ending of solidus is unclear so I have left it abbreviated.

10 The scribe made a mistake which he corrected: in the manuscript it reads ‘Derente’ with a superscript ‘de’ above.

11 The exenium (or xenium) of the text was the customary offering or payment brought to the priory on the feast day of Saint Andrew, i.e. the 30th November. According to Colin Flight, in his discussion of the priory’s fraudulent charter that was supposedly written by Bishop Gundulf (see note 23, below), this ‘gift’ (as Flight translates it) was the food, or cash in lieu, that was delivered to the incumbent bishop on St Andrew’s Day. Here though, in Custumale Roffense, the focus is on what the monks should receive, though the bishop is mentioned in a few entries. See Flight, The Bishops and Monks of Rochester 1076-1214 (Maidstone: Kent Archaeological Society, 1997), p. 109.

12 Or ‘suckling pigs’.

13 Literally ‘one quarter and a quarter of twenty’. Wheat is implied as the quarter was a unit of weight for grain. It equalled eight bushels; see ‘Quarter 3.’ in Christopher Corèdon with Ann Williams, A Dictionary of Medieval Terms and Phrases (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2004).

14 Literally, ‘twenty and one geese’.

15 Most probably meaning hen’s eggs, though goose eggs or a mixture of both are possibilities.

16 We should probably understand the use of Latin pars ‘part’ to mean a set amount of the fish referred to, though the amount is not explicitly specified; however, see my comments below in note 12. In the charter of Bishop Gundulf, alluded to later in the Wouldham section, the manors of Wouldham, Frindsbury, Denton, Southfleet, Stoke and Lambeth are to provide a thousand lampreys each, which suggests we should not be thinking of small numbers of fish. Likewise, Darenth, the last manor of the present text, is required to pay 500 lampreys. Though fish were often salted to preserve them, lampreys and sturgeon, as with some other varieties of fish, may have been first stored and then transported live; see Richard C. Hoffmann, ‘A Brief history of aquatic resource use in medieval Europe’, Helgoland Marine Research 59, pp. 22-30 (2005), at p. 24; the article is available online here. The late-fourteenth-century cookery treatise of Richard II specifies that lampreys were to be killed ‘with vinegar or white wine and salt’ implying they arrived at the royal kitchen alive; see ‘Launpreys in galentyne’ (‘Lampreys in galentine sauce’), recipe 124, Fourme of Cury, Manchester, John Rylands Library, English MS 7, folio 63 (my own translation).

17 ‘bundles of spelt’. The word I’ve translated as ‘spelt’ is furra which the Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources states is a variant of farra, the plural of far, meaning ‘spelt or emmer wheat’: logeion.uchicago.edu/far [accessed 14 July 2023]. The Latin word for ‘bundle’ – fasciculus – is more often associated with sticks, that is, a faggot, used for fires: logeion.uchicago.edu/fasciculus [accessed 15 July 2023]. This, along with the fact that grain would ordinarily have been threshed and transported in quarter sacks, as is already implied in the text, makes me doubt somewhat that the meaning is spelt, but it is difficult to put forward an alternative for furra.

18 It seems the marginal notes ‘for 1 month’ and ‘for 2 months’ throughout this section relate to the quantities sufficient for either one or two months. Here, ‘for 1 month’ is next to the line referring to sturgeon and lampreys.

19 The scribe appears to have repeated himself regarding the piglet – understandable, since he had turned the page and probably lost his concentration.

20 Literally, ‘six twenty and three’.

21 Perhaps meaning a half unit (half of a quarter) of wheat grain.

22 The marginal note is next to the line concerning sturgeon and lampreys.

23 Gundulf’s charter states it was to be 60 bundles of spelt. I hope to write a piece on Gundulf’s charter in due course. Colin Flight observes that the monks forged a charter which purportedly made Bishop Gundulf grant favours to the monks, including their right to keep the whole exenium, or customary payment, should the bishop not be present on the feast day: Flight, Bishops and Monks of Rochester, p. 109.

24 The meaning of the Latin in this sentence is unclear to me; I have translated it quite literally. It is possibly saying that Wouldham had at one time made a monetary payment rather than a food rent. See the comment on commutation in note 22, below. The ‘de suthflete’, which I’ve translated as ‘from Southfleet’, may be a scribal mistake, anticipating the ‘De suthflete’, ‘Concerning Southfleet’ that follows, and therefore should be ignored.

25 The marginal note is placed alongside the line concerning the manor of Wouldham’s former rent.

26 The marginal note is next to the line about sturgeon and lampreys.

27 The seam (summa) was identical to the quarter for dry products; see the entry for seam in A Dictionary of Weights and Measures for the British Isles: The Middle Ages A Dictionary of Weights and Measures for the British Isles: The Middle Ages ... - Ronald Edward Zupko - Google Books.

28 Twenty shillings is probably what is known as the commutation or commuted value, where a monetary payment is made in lieu of produce (or services), in this case fish. There are other commutations for food payments in Custumale Roffense and it is possible that at the time of its writing, in the fourth decade of the thirteenth century, there was beginning a more general shift towards this form of payment, replacing food rents, though it is difficult to be certain. See Denis Stuart’s introduction on custumals in his Manorial Records (Chichester: Phillimore, 1992), p. 63.

Jacob Scott 16/03/2023 Jacob Scott 16/03/2023

The Peace of Edward and Guthrum forgery, c.1002-23

Dr Alexander Thomas introduces The Peace of Edward and Guthrum forgery, Textus Roffensis, folios 40r-41v.

The Peace of Edward and Guthrum (hereafter Edward-Guthrum) is an infamous forgery of a Viking Age treaty text, supposedly between two kings, Edward the Elder (r.899-924) and Guthrum. It is well known among historians of the early medieval period because it was only discovered to be a fake in 1941 by Dorothy Whitelock.³ Up to that point, according to Patrick Wormald (p. 389), it had been considered a genuine text by many leading scholars in the field since at least 1568, including Felix Liebermann (the brother of the German impressionist artist, Max Liebermann), Benjamin Thorpe, and Frederick Levi Attenborough (the father of Sir David and Lord Richard Attenborough).⁴

Edward-Guthrum was created by Wulfstan, who was archbishop of York from 1002 until his death in 1023. In addition to his religious duties and responsibilities, Wulfstan of York became an influential figure within the court of Æthelred II, or ‘the Unready’, (r.978-1014 and 1014-1016) and helped to produce many of the King’s genuine law codes. Edward-Guthrum seems to have been created by Wulfstan to uphold the security and, to an extent, the authority of the Church in northern England, where Danish law was enforced.⁵ According to Wormald (p. 390), this appears to be evident from the second half of the preamble to Edward-Guthrum:

And they set worldly punishments also for those things for which they knew they might not otherwise regulate for the majority, knowing many a person would not otherwise submit to sacred remedy as they should. And thus they set a worldly remedy, in common with Christ and king, wherever a person would not submit legally to a sacred remedy as the bishops determine.⁶

Whitelock (pp. 7-9) highlights two reasons why Edward-Guthrum is a forgery. First, it uses many distinctive expressions, or formulae, which were frequently used by Wulfstan within his writings, including other law texts and homilies (Whitelock, p. 7). Second, the text uses terms not seen in any law code dating to before 1008, such as sibleger and leohtgesceot (Whitelock, pp. 8-9). Sibleger, meaning ‘incest’ in Old English, was an offence which features solely within the law codes of King Cnut (r.1016-1035), but also within Wulfstan’s writings (Whitelock, p. 8). Leohtgesceot was a church due, or payment, for lighting churches; this due also featured within Wulfstan’s works. There exist several lists of tenth-century church dues, and examples are found in Æthelstan’s Tithe Edict, Edmund’s First Law Code and Edgar’s Andover Code. Not one of these contains the term leohtgesceot (Whitelock, p. 9).

Yet before 1941, historians had good reason to believe Edward-Guthrum was genuine. After all, they had ten surviving land-granting charters,⁷ dating to the tenth century, which refer to a man called Guthrum who had the title dux or King. Some historians – for example, Thorpe (p. 166) and Attenborough (p. 97) – thought this could not have been the Guthrum, King of East Anglia, who had agreed the original peace with Edward the Elder’s father, Alfred the Great (r.871-899). This peace agreement is arguably found across two texts: the Treaty of Wedmore, which is a text with no surviving copies and which we only know about from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles,⁸ and the Treaty of Alfred and Guthrum (hereafter Alfred-Guthrum).⁹ As Guthrum died in 890, the land grants, and consequently Edward-Guthrum, must have been referring to a second Guthrum (Thorpe, p. 166, note a), and it was this assertion which provided much of the rationale behind the idea that Edward-Guthrum was genuine.

The Textus Roffensis version of Edward-Guthrum is very closely related to a copy of the text found within the manuscript known as Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 383 (Wormald, p. 390).¹⁰ It also features within the Quadripartitus collection – a series of nine manuscripts¹¹ which in part provide a foundation to the Laws of Henry I, or the Leges Henrici Primi.¹² Edward-Guthrum features within seven of these manuscripts.¹³

Within Textus Roffensis, Edward-Guthrum is the only Danish peace document – a feature it shares with the manuscript known as British Library, Royal MS 11 B.ii. Textus Roffensis may not have included the genuine Alfred-Guthrum for two reasons. First, there may have been an unintentional omission by the scribe. Second, Textus Roffensis also includes the text known as Wergeld, which seems to be related to the earlier blood-feud laws of King Edmund (r.939-946) (Wormald, p. 390).¹⁴ Wormald explains that:

[Textus Roffensis] followed ‘Edward-Guthrum’ by Wergeld with no break, as if the two had become inextricably entwined, and it had no copy of Alfred-Guthrum at all. [Textus Roffensis’] copy[…], evidently disordered in that Wergeld came so hard on ‘Edward-Guthrum’, may just have lost Alfred-Guthrum, to which its rubric for ‘Edward-Guthrum’[…] should have applied (Wormald, p. 390).

It would therefore seem that the reasons behind Edward-Guthrum’s inclusion and Alfred-Guthrum’s exclusion from Textus Roffensis relied on the scribe and the texts’ transmission – the transmission being the way in which the texts were copied by scribe to scribe and from manuscript to manuscript.

In contrast, the aforementioned Cambridge manuscript has Edward-Guthrum following Alfred-Guthrum, which might suggest the scribe believed Edward-Guthrum was a successor to Alfred-Guthrum (Wormald, p. 390). Yet within Quadripartitus, Alfred-Guthrum and Edward-Guthrum are separated by a distinct third text, known evocatively as the Alfred-Guthrum Treaty Appendix.¹⁵ It is not clear why the scribe ordered these texts in this way within Quadripartitus; nevertheless, in this way, Edward-Guthrum is presented as a successor to Alfred-Guthrum (Wormald, p. 390).

The Peace of Edward-Guthrum may be a forgery by Wulfstan of York, but it provides a valuable insight into the importance, the peculiarities, and the occasionally complex transmission of early English laws.

Dr Alexander Thomas

Transcription

40r (select folio number to open facsimile)

Þis syndon þa domas ðe ælfred cyncg ⁊ guþrum
_AND þis is seo gerædnis, cyncg gecuran.
eac þe ælfred cyng, ⁊ guðrum cyng,
⁊ eft eadward cyng, ⁊ guðrum cyng
gecuran ⁊ gecwædon, þa þa engle ⁊ dene to fri-
þe ⁊ to freondscipe fullice fengon, ⁊ þa witan
eac þe syððan wæron oft ⁊ unseldan þæt seolfe
geniwodon, ⁊ mid gode gehihtan. Ðis ærest
þæt hig gecwædon, þæt hi ænne god lufian woldon,
⁊ ælcne hæþendom georne aweorpen.¹⁶ ⁊ hig
gesetton woruldlice steora eac for ðam þingum
þe hig wistan þæt hig elles ne mihton manegum
gesteoran, ne fela manna nolde to godcundre
bote elles gebugan swa hy sceolde. ⁊ þa woruld-
bote hig gesetton gemæne, criste, ⁊ cynge, swa
hwar swa man nolde godcunde bote gebugan
mid rihte to bisceopa dihte. ⁊ þæt is þonon æ-
rest þæt hig gecwædon, þæt cyricgrið binnan
wagum, ⁊ cyninges handgrið stande efne un-
wemme. ⁊ gif hwa cristendom wyrde, oððe
hæþendom weorþige, wordes oððe weorces,
gylde swa wer swa wite, swa lahslitte, be þam
þe syo dæde sy. ⁊ gyf gehadod man gestalie,
oððe gefeohte,¹⁷ oððe forswerige, oððe forlicge,

40v

gebete þæt be þam þe¹⁸ seo dæde sy, swa be were, swa be
wite, swa be lahslitte, ⁊ for gode huru bete swa
canon tæce, ⁊ þæs borh finde, oððe carcern¹⁹ ge-
buge. ⁊ gif mæssepreost folc miswyssige æt freol-
se, oððe æt fæstene, gylde xxx. scillinga mid englum,
⁊ mid denum þreo healf mare. Gif preost to riht-
andagan crisman ne fecce, oððe fulluhtes for-
wyrne, þam þe þæs þearf sy, gylde wite mid en-
glum, ⁊ mid denum lahslit, þæt is twelf oran. ⁊æt
syblegerum þa witan geræddan, þæt cyng ah þone
uferan, ⁊ bisceop þone nyþeran, butan hit man
gebete for gode ⁊ for worulde, be þam þe seo dæ-
de sy, swa bisceop getæce. Gif twegen gebro-
ðra, oððe twegen genyhe magas wið an wif for-
licgan, beten swyþe georne swa swa man geþafige,
swa be wite, swa be lah(slitte), be þam þe seo dæde sy.
Gif gehadod man hine forwyrce mid deaþscyl-
de, gewilde hine man, ⁊ healde to bisceopes dome.
⁊ gif deaþscyldig man scrift spræce gyrne, ne
him man næfre ne wyrne. ⁊ ealle godes gerih-
to, forðige man georne be godes mildse,²⁰ ⁊ be þam
witan, þe witan toledan. Gif hwa teoþunge for-
healde, gylde lahslit mid denum, wite mid englum.
Gif hwa romfeoh forhealde, gylde lahslit mid

41r

denum, wite mid englum. Gif hwa leohtgesceot ne
gelæste, gylde lahslit mid denum, wite mid englum.
Gif hwa sulhælmyssan ne sylle, gylde lahslit mid
denum, wite mid englum. Gif hwa ænigra godcun-
dra gerihto forwyrne, gylde lahslit mid denum,
wite mid englum. ⁊ gif he wigie, ⁊ man gewundie,
beo his weres scyldig. Gif he man to deaþe ge-
fylle, beo he þonne utlah, ⁊ his hente mid he-
arme, ælc þara þe riht wille. ⁊ gif he gewyrce
þæt hine man afylle, þurh þi hine man gean godes
ryht, oððe þæs cynges geonbyrde, gif man þæt
gesoðige, licge ægylde. Sunnandæges cypinge
gif hwa agynne, þolie þæs ceapes, ⁊ twelf orena
mid denum, ⁊ xxx scillinga mid englum. Gif frigman
freolsdæge wyrce, ðolie his freotes, oððe gylde
wite lahslite. Ðeowman þolie his hyde, oððe hyd-
gyldes. Gif hlaford his þeowan freolsdæge
nyde to weorce, gylde lahslitte inne on deone
lage, ⁊ wite mid englum. Gif frigman rihtfæ-
sten abrece, gylde wite, oððe lahslite. Gif hit
þeowman gedo, ðolie his hyde, oððe hydgyldes.
Ordel ⁊ aðas syndon tocwedene freolsdagum, ⁊
rihtfæstendagum, ⁊ se ðe þæt abrece, gylde
lahslit mid denum, wite mid englum. Gif man

41v

wealdan mage, ne dyde man næfre on sunnandæ-
ges freolse ænigne forwyrhtne, ac wylde ⁊ he-
alde, þæt se freolsdæg agan sy. Gif limlæweo
lama þe forworht wære weorþe forlæten, ⁊ he
æfter þam ðreo niht alibbe. Siððan man mot
hylpan be bisceopes leafe, se ðe wylle beorgan
sare ⁊ saule. Gif wiccan oððe wigleras, manswo-
ran, oððe morðwyrhtan, oððe fule afylede
æbære, horcwenan, ahwar on lande wurðan
agytene, ðonne fyse hi man of earde, ⁊ clæn-
sie þa ðeode, oððe on earde forfare hy mid eal-
le, buton hig geswican þe deoppar gebetan.²¹ Gif man gehadodne
oððe ælðeodigne þurh enig ðing forræde
æt feo oððe æt feore, þonne sceal him cyng be-
on oððan eorl ðær on lande, ⁊ bisceop ðere þeo-
de for mæg, ⁊ for mundboran, buton he elles oðer²²
ne²³ hæbbe, ⁊ bete man georne be ðam þe seo dæde sy,
criste ⁊ cyninge, swa hit gebyrige, oððe þa dæde
wrece swiðe deope, þe cyning sy on ðeode.²⁴

Translation

These are the judgements which King Alfred and King Guthrum approved.²⁵

And, moreover, this is the decree which King Alfred and King Guthrum,²⁶ and afterwards King Edward and King Guthrum, approved and proclaimed when the English and the Danes fully entered into peace and friendship; and the counsellors also,²⁷ who were later, often and frequently renewed the very same, and augmented it with good.²⁸

This is the first thing which they proclaimed, that they would love one God, and each would earnestly cast off heathendom. And they set worldly punishments also for those things for which they knew they might not otherwise regulate for the majority, knowing many a person would not otherwise submit to sacred remedy as they should.²⁹ And thus they set a worldly remedy, in common with Christ and king, wherever a person would not submit legally to a sacred remedy as the bishops determine.³⁰

And, therefore, this is first which they proclaimed, that the right of church sanctuary,³¹ and likewise the king’s protection, should stand unviolated.

And if anyone should violate Christianity or honour heathendom, in word or deed, that one should pay either wergild³² or a fine – or lahslit –³³ according to what the deed is.

And if an ordained person should steal, or fight, or falsely swear or fornicate, he should atone for it according to what the deed is, either by wergild or by a fine [Old English (OE) ‘wite’] – or by lahslit – and should atone especially before God as canon [law] teaches,³⁴ and should find surety for this or else go to prison.

And if a mass-priest should mislead the people with respect to festival or fasting,³⁵ he should pay 30 shillings among the English, and among the Danish three half-marks.³⁶

If a priest should not fetch the chrism at the right time or should refuse baptism, even though it is necessary, he should pay a fine [OE ‘wite’] among the English, and among the Danish lahslit, that is twelve oras.³⁷

And for incest the counsellors are to judge – the king has authority over the higher-ranked; a bishop, the lower-ranked – unless a person atones before God and before the world, according to what the deed is, as the bishop directs.

If two brothers, or two near relatives, lie with one woman, they should atone with great earnestness,³⁸ accordingly as one may decide, either by a fine [OE, ‘wite’] or by lahslit, according to what the deed is.

If an ordained person should become guilty himself of a crime deserving death, one should rule over him and hold to the bishop’s judgment.

If a condemned person should earnestly wish to confess, no one should ever refuse him.

And one should earnestly carry out all of God’s laws according to God’s mercy, and according to the penalty³⁹ which the [king’s] counsellors bring forth.

If someone should withhold a tithe payment, one should pay lahslit among the Danes, a fine [OE ‘wite’] among the English.

If someone should withhold Rome-money,⁴⁰ one should pay lahslit among the Danes, a fine [OE ‘wite’] among the English.

If someone should not meet the payment of ‘light-tax’,⁴¹ one should pay lahslit among the Danes, a fine [OE ‘wite] among the English.

If someone should not give plough-alms, one should pay lahslit among the Danes, a fine [OE ‘wite’] among the English.⁴²

If someone refuses any sacred dues, one should pay lahslit among the Danes, a fine [OE ‘wite’] among the English.

And if he should fight and wound someone, he should be liable for his wergild.

If he should put someone to death, he should then be an outlaw; and each of those who wishes justice may pursue and seize him with authority.⁴³

And if he should himself slay someone – through which he himself would strive against both God’s law and that of the king – if one may prove it to be true, he shall lie [dead] without compensation.⁴⁴

If someone should begin Sunday trading, that one should suffer the loss of the goods, and pay twelve oras among the Danish and 30 shillings among the English.

If a freeman should work on a feast day,⁴⁵ he should suffer the loss of his liberty, or pay a fine [OE ‘wite’] or lahslit. A slave should suffer the loss of his hide or [pay] a fine in lieu of flogging.⁴⁶

If a lord should oblige his slave to work on a feast day, he should pay lahslit within the Danelaw, and a fine [OE ‘wite’] among the English.

If a freeman should break a lawful fast,⁴⁷ he should pay a fine [OE ‘wite’] or lahslit. If a slave does this, he should suffer the loss of his hide or [pay] the fine in lieu of flogging.

An ordeal⁴⁸ and oaths shall be forbidden on feast days and lawful fasting days, and he who breaks that should pay lahslit among the Danes, a fine [OE ‘wite’] among the English.

If one has the power to govern, one should never put to death a criminal on any Sunday festival, but one should subdue and hold him until the feast day is passed.

If a criminal, who was maimed of limb, should be left [for dead], and after that he lives three nights, afterwards he who wishes to spare suffering and soul may help him, by the bishop’s leave.

If witches⁴⁹ or sorcerers, perjurers or murderers, or foul, polluted, notorious whores should be found to be anywhere in the land, then one should drive them from the country and cleanse the nation, or destroy them altogether in the country, unless they cease and then repent deeply.

If one should plot, through any means, against an ordained person or a foreigner,⁵⁰ with respect to property or life, then the king – or a jarl there in [Danish] land⁵¹ – and a bishop of the people shall be as kin and as protector, unless he may have someone else. And one should, as is fitting, atone earnestly according to the deed that has been done to Christ and king,⁵² who is king among the people; or one should punish the deed very severely.

Websites

Bosworth-Toller. Bosworth Toller’s Anglo-Saxon Dictionary online

Early English Laws, Early English Laws: Home

Sawyer, The Electronic Sawyer: Online Catalogue of Anglo-Saxon Charters, Electronic Sawyer: The Electronic Sawyer (cam.ac.uk)

Bibliography

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Keynes, Simon, ‘Alms’, in The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Michael Lapidge, John Blair, Simon Keynes and Donald Scragg (Blackwell Publishing, 1999), p. 31.

Lambert, Tom, Law and Order in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford University Press, 2017).

Liebermann, F., Die Gesetze Der Angelsachsen Hrsg. Im Auftrage Der Savigny-Stiftung (Niemeyer, 1903). Available at Early English Laws.

Miglio, Viola Giulia, ‘Old Norse and Old English Language Contact: Scandinavian Legal Terminology in Anglo-Saxon Laws’, Nordicum-Mediterraneum 5 (1), available as an open access article at Old Norse and Old English Language Contact: Scandinavian Legal Terminology in Anglo-Saxon Laws - Nordicum-Mediterraneum (unak.is)

Monk, Christopher J., ‘Framing Sex: Sexual Discourse in Text and Image in Anglo-Saxon England (Manchester University, unpublished PhD thesis, 2012), available here.

Nightingale, Pamela, ‘The Ora, the Mark, and the Mancus: Weight-Standards and the Coinage in Eleventh-Century England: Part 2’, The Numismatic Chronicle, vol. 144 (1984), pp. 234-48.

O’Keeffe, K. O. (ed.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition (MS C) (D. S. Brewer, 2001).

Staffrod, Pauline, ‘Ealdorman’, in The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Michael Lapidge, John Blair, Simon Keynes and Donald Scragg (Blackwell Publishing, 1999), pp. 152-53.

Taylor, S. (ed.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition (MS B) (D. S. Brewer, 1983).

Thorpe, B., Ancient Laws and Institutes of England: Comprising Laws Enacted Under the Anglo-Saxon Kings from Aethelbirht to Cnut (Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1840).

Whitelock, D., ‘Wulfstan and the So-Called Laws of Edward and Guthrum’, The English Historical Review 56 (1941), pp. 1-21. Available at JSTOR.

Wormald, P., “Quadripartitus”, Law and Government in Medieval England and Normandy Essays in Honour of Sir James Holt, ed. Hudson J. and Garnett G. (Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 111-147.

Wormald, P., The Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century, Vol. 1 Legislation and Its Limits (Blackwell, 1999).

Yorke (a), B. A. E., ‘Councils, King’s’, in The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Michael Lapidge, John Blair, Simon Keynes and Donald Scragg (Blackwell Publishing, 1999), pp. 124-25.

Yorke (b), B. A. E., ‘Guthrum’, in The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Michael Lapidge, John Blair, Simon Keynes and Donald Scragg (Blackwell Publishing, 1999), p. 223.

Footnotes

1 An imposture, or forgery, written by Wulfstan, archbishop of York (1002-23), thus giving us the eleventh-century date.

2 Sincere thanks to Elise Fleming for proofreading this introduction, translation and notes.

3 See Whitelock’s paper “Wulfstan and the so-called Laws of Edward and Guthrum” (1941). See bibliography for the full reference.

4 See for references to Edward-Guthrum, Felix Liebermann, pp. 128-134; Benjamin Thorpe pp. 166-176; and Frederick Levi Attenborough, pp. 102-109. Please refer to the bibliography for full references.

5 See the introduction for Edward-Guthrum on Early English Laws [accessed 8th March 2023].

6 Translation by Christopher Monk; see his full translation below.

7 See Sawyer, charter numbers S393, S400, S405, S412, S413, S416, S417, S418, S418a and S434 [accessed 8th March 2023].

8 The Treaty of Wedmore (also known as the Treaty of Chippenham) established a peace between the West Saxons and the Danes following a decades long conflict. It also resulted in Guthrum, King of East Anglia, and several of his men being baptised in the Christian faith personally by Alfred the Great. For various accounts of the Treaty of Wedmore, see Taylor, pp. 36-37, for the Abingdon I Chronicle; Bately, pp. 50-51, for the Winchester or Parker Chronicle; Cubbin, p. 27, for the Worcester Chronicle; Baker, pp. 71-72, for the Bilingual Canterbury Epitome; O’Keeffe, pp. 61-62, for the Abingdon II Chronicle; and Irvine, pp. 50-51, for the Peterborough or Laud Chronicle. Full references are given in the bibliography.

9 In contrast to Wedmore, copies of Alfred-Guthrum still exist. The text established a boundary between south-west and north-east England and introduced new regulations to aid relations between the two sides. See Early English Laws [accessed 9th March 2023] for more information on this text. Alexander Thomas’ doctoral thesis, which examined the boundary Alfred-Guthrum created, can be found within the British Library’s EThOS catalogue.

10 Within his The Making of English Law book (see bibliography for full reference) Wormald follows Liebermann’s system of assigning sigla (abbreviations) to early English manuscripts and law texts. For example, Textus Roffensis is given the siglum H, Edward-Guthrum is abbreviated to EGu, and the Cambridge manuscript is referred to as B.

11 For this introduction, the four manuscripts known as the “London Collection” are also included. See Patrick Wormald’s chapter on the Quadripartitus, pp. 111-147, for a fuller explanation. A full reference can be found within the bibliography.

12 The Laws of Henry I provide a record of those enforced during the reign of the King. The Laws contain aspects of pre-Norman Conquest texts among other evident sources. See L. J. Downer’s book and Early English Laws [accessed 9th March 2023] for more information on this text. Full references can be found in the bibliography.

13 This includes a manuscript within the “London Collection” as well as Textus Roffensis itself.

14 A transcription and translation of Wergeld is being prepared for the Textus Roffensis pages on this website; see also Early English Laws [accessed 9th March 2023].

15 See Wormald, pp. 379-80; and Jayakumar, p. 23, note 30.

16 The first ‘e’ in ‘aweorpen’ is inserted above the line.

17 The ‘o’ in ‘gefeohte’ is inserted above the line.

18 ‘þe’ is inserted above the line.

19 The second ‘r’ of ‘carcern’ is inserted above the line.

20 The ‘l’ of ‘mildse’ is inserted above the line.

21 ‘þe deoppor gebetan’ appears in the left margin. The scribe provides an insertion mark after ‘geswican’ with a corresponding mark alongside the text in the margin.

22 ‘oðer’ appears in the right margin.

23 ‘ne’ appears in the left margin.

24 In the manuscript the text known as Wergeld – beginning ‘Twelf’ – has been appended as if it carries straight on from Peace of Edward and Guthrum; however, the two are discrete texts. A transcription and translation of Wergeld is forthcoming for the Textus Roffensis pages of this website.

25 The heading was likely provided by the Textus Roffensis scribe, rather than included in the manuscript he was copying.

26 Barbara Yorke explains that, ‘Guthrum was the leader of a Viking force which joined the Great Army in England in 871. He came close to overcoming King Alfred of Wessex in 878 when he forced him into hiding after a surprise attack. Later in the same year Guthrum was decisively defeated at the battle of Edington and agreed to be baptised with Alfred as his godfather. Guthrum retreated to rule the Viking settlers in East Anglia and issued coins in his baptismal name of Æthelstan. The text of a treaty survives which Guthrum made with Alfred between 878 and his death in 890.’ See Yorke (b) in the bibliography.

27 The king’s counsellors or advisers were known collectively in Old English as the witan, literally ‘wise ones’ or ‘wise men’; we might use the modern term ‘king’s council’ to approximate the collective role. Those advising the king included members of the royal house, archbishops and bishops, prominent abbots, ‘ealdormen’ and other leading laymen, such as thegns. Occasionally, the queen or queen-mother and abbesses would have been consulted; for further information, see the overview in Yorke (a); details in bibliography.

28 Wulfstan rather cunningly alludes to later royal counsellors augmenting the decree with ‘good’. It would seem that such ‘good’ included his own fabrications! Perhaps the fact that Alfred and Guthrum had actually produced a peace treaty, which included various laws relating to criminal and legal matters (this treaty is not preserved in Textus Roffensis), gave the archbishop enough truth upon which to build his fictional set of laws.

29 ‘remedy’, or ‘penance’.

30 ‘sacred remedy as the bishops determine’. The allusion is probably to the use of penitentials – handbooks used by priests – for determining the amount of fasting due as penance for a wide variety of sins. For the role of bishops in the practice of penance, see Cubitt. A number of English penitentials were circulating from as early as the eighth century, including one Anglo-Latin penitential attributed to (though not actually written by) Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury (668-90), and, during Wulfstan’s time, several vernacular penitentials. For more on the vernacular penitentials, see Jurasinski, and, especially in the context of sexual sins, Monk; for the penitential of Theodore, see Charles-Edwards, and, especially in the context of sexual sins, Monk, appendix 2, pp. 254-60; see the bibliography for all references.

31 ‘church sanctuary’, literally, ‘church-peace within the walls’.

32 ‘wer’ is used in the text, an abbreviation for wergild, which is the monetary value placed on the life of a free person, used in early English laws in matters of compensation and fines.

33 ‘or a fine [OE ‘wite] or lahslit’. Attention is paid from this point in the law-code to the corresponding English and Danish terms, wite and lahslit, which in this context both mean ‘fine’. Viola Giulia Miglio explains concerning the term lahslit: ‘The term is of Scandinavian origin, and enters OE as lahslit […]: it means “breach of the law” or “fine for perturbing the peace/ for a committed crime”. […] A cognate is not found in ON [Old Norse], but this OE term is equivalent to ON lögbrot “breaking of the law”.’ (Miglio, 4.3; see the bibliography)

34 Wulfstan seems to be alluding to his ‘Canon law’ collection, a collation of religious and moral laws and regulations written by or attributed to figures of authority in the Christian Church; an edition and translation of Wulfstan’s collection is available, written by J. E. Cross and Andrew Hamer (see Cross in the bibliography).

35 ‘festival or fasting’, referring to Christian festivals – or feast days – and fasting periods assigned by the Church.

36 The Danish mark was a weight-standard measurement, composed of eight oras. Pamela Nightingale observes that ‘there is no evidence’ that it ‘was adopted in England outside the Danelaw before Cnut’s conquest’. The ‘half-mark’ is first referred to in English sources in the treaty of Alfred and Guthrum where it is used as the weight for gold. She continues to note its appearance in the law-codes of the Danelaw but that ‘even there it seems to have survived more as a traditional fine, rather than as the normal accounting unit or standard of weight’ (Nightingale, p. 235; see bibliography).

37 There were eight oras in the Danish mark (Nightingale, p.234; see bibliography), so this is the same fine as in the previous clause.

38 To understand this, we need to take into account Canon law, which forbade the marriage of a surviving brother to his deceased brother’s widow, as she was considered the surviving brother’s sister (Cross, pp. 153-54, no. 139; see bibliography). Moreover, Canon law stated that the man who married his brother’s wife or the wife of a ’blood-relation’ was to be excommunicated (Cross, p. 154, no. 140). With this clarification, the ‘they’ evidently means the unlawfully married couple, who according to Canon law would be expected to separate, (Cross, p. 102, no. 85), not simply atone with acts of penance. We see, then, with this clause, that the theme of incest of the previous clause is continued.

39 ‘according to the penalty’: reading OE ‘þam witan’ as ‘þam wite’.

40 Alms payments to Rome began in England at least as early as the eighth century when Offa, king of the Mercians (r. 757-96) promised a sizeable sum (365 mancuses) each year to the pope for supporting the poor and for the provision of lights. In the time of Alfred, king of Wessex (r. 871-99), the practice of sending payments to Rome appears to have continued, though there is no clear evidence that at this point individual households contributed to this. That romfeoh, ‘Rome-money’, was expected to be paid by all Christian men by the mid-tenth century is clear – essentially, it developed into the tax known as ‘Peter’s pence’, levied at one penny per household payable annually by St Peter’s Day, August 1st (Keynes; see bibliography). The inclusion in this present set of laws of a punishment against anyone not paying this Church due supports the conclusion that Wulfstan was its author.

41 i.e. a tax to fund church candles.

42 ‘Plough alms’ evidently refers to a penny taxation at Easter for each plough within a village; see sulh-ælmesse in Bosworth-Toller, and Eleemosyna carucarum in Corèdon (see bibliography).

43 This alludes to the legally acceptable practice of feuding – taking vengeance through killing – by the family members of the victim in order to satisfy justice. Feuding, using violence, including killing, to avenge an affront to one’s honour, was culturally ingrained in early medieval societies in England; a useful discussion of how feuding was integrated into social order can be found in chapter 5 of Lambert (see bibliography).

44 That is, the family of the man committing homicide cannot claim compensation when vengeance is taken against him.

45 Or ‘festival’, i.e. on a religious holiday.

46 ‘loss of his hide [OE ‘hyde’], or ‘skin’, i.e. the slave is to be flogged; ‘a fine in lieu of flogging’, literally, the ‘hide-payment’ or ‘skin-payment’ (OE ‘hyd-gyldes’); the same penalty appears below.

47 In the sense that the fast is appointed according to Christian law or tradition, for example, the fasting period associated with Lent.

48 i.e. trial by ordeal.

49 Or, ‘wizards’.

50 Perhaps meaning a foreigner on pilgrimage.

51 ‘jarl’, translating OE ‘eorl’; eorl began to replace ealdorman during the reign of Cnut, king of England (r. 1016-35), both terms broadly meaning ‘nobleman’ (see Stafford, p. 153). In the context of this present law, where the focus is on distinguishing English and Danish legal terminology and practice, ‘jarl’ seems the most appropriate translation, as it was the title given to Danish chieftains within the Danelaw.

52 As the victim is under the protection of the king and bishop, the deed is, in effect, an assault on the honour of both Christ and the king.

Dr Christopher Monk 15/03/2023 Dr Christopher Monk 15/03/2023

Æthelstan’s Grately Code, c.926-c.930

Transcription and translation from Old English of Textus Roffensisfolios 32v-37r by Dr Christopher Monk.

Æthelstan’s Grately Code, dating to c. 926-c.930¹, concerns thievery, treachery to lords; the selling and buying of goods, Sunday trading, the punishments for arson and ‘secret’ murder by means of witchcraft; and the treatment of slaves. Transcription and translation from Old English of Textus Roffensis folios 32v-37r by Dr Christopher Monk.²

Background

Æthelstan was ‘king of the Anglo-Saxons and the Danes’ from either 924 or 925 to 927, and subsequently ‘king of the English’ from 927 until his death in October of 939 (Keynes, p. 514). He is often considered ‘the first English monarch’ (Foot, p. 10).

Æthelstan’s major set of laws, known today as the Grately Code, survives in full in its original Old English only in Textus Roffensis. A truncated copy is found in an important compilation of Old English laws in a contemporaneous Cambridge University manuscript;³ and a few charred fragments from an early eleventh-century manuscript survive in the British Library.⁴

The text is known as the Grately Code because Grately, Hampshire, is the place from where the laws were probably issued. Though Grately is not mentioned in Textus Roffensis, the Latin version of the laws, that survives in the extensive legal collection known as Quadripartitus, produced during the reign of Henry I (r.1100-1135),⁵ does contain the statement that, ‘All this was established at the great assembly at Grately, at which Archbishop Wulfhelm was present and all the nobles and councillors whom King Athelstan could gather together.’ Dorothy Whitelock, whose English translation this is, suggests this may have come from a lost prologue to the law code (Whitelock, p. 422, and n. 1).

Content and themes

The main theme of Æthelstan’s Grately Code is thievery, but there are others too, including treachery to lords; the selling and buying of goods – Sunday trading is legislated against; the punishments for arson and murder, specifically ‘secret’ murder by means of witchcraft; and the treatment of slaves in various contexts is also touched upon.

Within the Textus Roffensis web pages there is huge scope to develop further interpretive work about Æthelstan’s impact on law and order in early medieval England. For now, I would like to draw attention to two highlights within the Grately Code: the judicial process of the ordeals, and the concept of disobedience to the king.

The ordeals

I will be writing a more detailed post on the nature and significance of the judicial ordeals in early English laws but at this point I want to explain the basic principles of those ordeals mentioned in the Grately Code. The subsequent action taken against a ‘guilty’ person once the ordeal had finished varied significantly, depending on the circumstances of the crime and the person committing the crime; this is quite clear from reading Æthelstan’s pronouncements, below. I will endeavour to explore this aspect, too, in my future post.

The ‘water-ordeal’, sometimes called the ‘cold water’ ordeal, refers to the plunging of an accused individual into cold water, probably a natural body of water, to the depth of one and a half ells, an ell probably being 45 inches or 114 cm (Zupko, p. 119). If the person sank, they were deemed without guilt; if they did not sink, then guilt was established.⁶

The ‘iron-ordeal’, sometimes called the ordeal by hot iron,⁷ involved the accused carrying in hand a piece of iron that had been heated on coals; it was carried for nine of his or her feet. This information is provided in the slightly later, anonymous law code known as Ordal; for my translation of this text go to Trial by Ordeal, mid-10th century — Rochester Cathedral.

The Grately Code states that ‘there should be three nights before one undoes the hand’, an allusion to the part of the judicial process that involved the sealing – wrapping up in cloth – of the accused’s burnt hand and subsequent inspection of it for signs of innocence or guilt.

Ordal is more explicit in its explanation of this part of the ordeal, stating that it should be determined on the third day ‘whether it be foul or clean inside the seal’. Neither text, however, clearly identifies the judicial significance of this: that if the hand is ‘foul’, then guilt is established; and if ‘clean’, then the individual is innocent.

What is very interesting on this matter is the repeated use in the Grately Code of the Old English (OE) word ful to mean guilty. Sometimes, ful is used with direct reference to the ordeals, and at other times the judicial process of the ordeals is only implied.

The core meaning of ful is ‘foul’, and in the context of disease and wounds means ‘festering’;⁸ this is how it is used in Ordal. Clearly, from the body of Old English legal texts, we can appreciate that the word also takes on a broader sense of ‘guilty’. Every time, however, that we read ful in the Grately Code, and elsewhere, we are tapping into a darkly visceral moment from early medieval history, to that point when the burnt hand of an accused had become infected, its foulness not merely indicating the beginnings of putrefaction but, more profoundly, guilt.

The threefold ordeal
It’s important to briefly look at the phrase ‘threefold ordeal’ that appears in the Grately Code, as its meaning is not explained therein. It is used directly in connection with the specific crimes of treachery to a lord, breaking into a church, and the deployment of witchcraft and sorcery leading to ‘murders’ – what might be usefully thought of as ‘secret’ killings.⁹ The use of the threefold ordeal is also implied for the crimes of arson and avenging a thief.

We need, however, to turn to another Textus Roffensis law code, Be blaserum ⁊ be morðslihtum (‘Concerning arsonists and murders’), to grasp the meaning behind the use of ‘threefold’.

Be Blaserum is an anonymous law code, and was perhaps a reformulating by local officials of Æthelstan’s commands about arson and murder – ‘at ground level’, as Wormald puts it (Wormald, pp. 367-38). You can find my translation of this law code here.

Be blaserum shows that the ‘threefold’ aspect relates to two things: the accused must find three times as many ‘oath-supporters’ in order to avoid the ordeal; and, if unsuccessful in this, must face the iron-ordeal using a piece of iron three times as heavy as that used for the so-called ‘single’, or ‘simple’,¹⁰ ordeal. That is, the burning hot piece of iron would have weighed three pounds instead of the usual one.

Though not part of the Grately Code, I should also mention another ordeal that had a ‘threefold’ aspect, namely the judgement by hot water.¹¹ The aforementioned Ordal explains that this required the accused to plunge the hand or arm into a cooking pot of boiling water to grasp a stone at the bottom, either ‘as far as the wrist’ for a ‘single’ ordeal or ‘up to his elbow’ for a ‘threefold’ ordeal.

This three-fold feature of ordeals points to certain circumstances wherein more stringent measures were considered as necessary in the judicial process, something I will explore further in my future post.

The concept of disobedience to the king

There are numerous references within the laws of both Æthelstan and his predecessor, his father Edward the Elder (r. 899-924), to the payment of a fine for ‘disobedience’ (oferhyrness) to the king. It appears six times in the Grately Code. Tom Lambert observes regarding this ‘ideological concept’ that ‘[i]t seems to imply a royal right to issue commands not to engage in certain types of wrongdoing and to punish those who disobeyed’ (Lambert, p. 213).

The types of wrongdoing associated with the ‘disobedience’ fine, argues Lambert, ‘could be characterised as breaches of legal procedure’ and ‘are all related to the proper functioning of legal structures’ (Lambert, pp. 213-14).

In the example of the Grately Code, the fine is to be issued for those who refuse to attend assemblies; for the refusal to ride out on an enforcement raid (where a guilty person has his goods removed by the senior men of the borough and he is put under forced surety); for the receiving of another lord’s man who has been charged with a crime (thus helping him evade punishment); and finally, mentioned toward the end of the set of laws, it is to be issued against royal reeves who fail, fully or in part, to carry out the laws of the Grately Code.

Lambert goes on to make the astute observation that we must not think that the ‘disobedience’ fine meant that that ‘kings had a general right to command their subjects and to punish disobedience’ outside the specific area of legal procedure (Lambert, p. 214).¹² He continues,

We certainly have no grounds for thinking that kings felt it appropriate to issue more sweeping commands encompassing forms of serious wrongdoing – commands that nobody commit theft or homicide, for example – and then to justify royal punishment of those acts with the theory that they constituted disobedience (Lambert, p. 214).

In other words, a king may issue a code of laws, but things like theft and homicide were viewed as crimes against the peace of the realm – everyone’s peace, we might say – not direct acts of disobedience to the king. Where certain duties to participate in communal legal procedures were not met, however, such was indeed viewed, at least by Æthelstan and his advisors, as disobedience to the king.

A note on reconstructions in the transcription

Water damage has affected the tops of all the Textus folios for the Grately Code, causing some of the text of the first few lines of each page to fade. Though most of the text is still legible, especially when using the zoom facility on the digital facsimile, some words are very difficult to make out. Therefore, the badly faded words in the opening few lines have been reconstructed in the transcript below by comparing the Cambridge University manuscript. Other reconstructions of other folios are guided by a sixteenth-century transcript of the British Library manuscript,¹³ made before it was largely destroyed in the infamous Cottonian fire of 1731.¹⁴ Reconstructions are shown in grey, rather than black, font.

Transcription

32v (select folio number to open facsimile)

Æþelstanes gerænesse. ¹⁵

33r

Ærest þæt man ne sparige nænne þeof ðe æt¹⁶
hæbbendre handa gefangen sy, ofer xii ¹⁷
winter, ⁊ ofer eahta peningas, ⁊¹⁸ gif hit hwa do,
forgylde ðone þeof be his were, ⁊ ne beo þam þeofe
na ðe geþingodre, oþþe hine be þam geladie. ¹⁹ Gif he hine þonne²⁰ werian²¹ wille oððe
oðfleo, ðonne ne sparige hine man.
Gif man ðeof on carcerne gebringe, ðæt he beo
xl nihta²² on carcerne, ⁊ hine man ðonne alyse²³ ut
mid cxx scillingum ⁊ ga seo mægþ him on borh ðæt he
æfre geswice. ⁊ gif he ofer ðæt stalige, forgildan hy
hine be his were, oþþe hine eft ðær inne gebrin-
gan. ⁊ gif hine hwa²⁴ forstande, forgilde
hine be his were, swa þam cyninge swa ðam ðe hit
mid ryhte togebyrige, ⁊ ælc man²⁵ ðara ðe þær mid
stande, gesylle ðam cyninge cxx scillinga to wite.
Ond we cwædon
be þam hlafordleasan mannum, ðe man nan
ryht ætbegytan ne mæg, þæt man beode ðære
mægþe, ðæt hi hine to folcryhte gehamette,
⁊ him hlaford finden on folcgemote. ⁊ gif hi
hine ðonne begytan nyllen, oððe ne mægen to þam andagan, ²⁶
ðonne beo he syþþan flyma, ⁊ hine lecge for
ðeof se þe²⁷ him tocume, ⁊ se ðe hine ofer ðæt
feormige, forgylde hine be his were, oþþe he

33v

hine be ðam ladige. be ryhtes wærnunge.
Se hlaford se ryhtes wyrne, and for his yfelan
man²⁸ licge, ⁊ man ðone cing foregesece,²⁹ forgilde þæt
ceapgild, ⁊ gesylle þam cynge cxx scillinga. ⁊ se ðe
ðone cyng gesece³⁰ ær he him ryhtes bidde, swa oft swa him to gebyrie,³¹ gilde ðæt
ilce wite þe se oþer sceolde gif he him ryhtes
wyrnde. ⁊ se hlaford þe his ðeowan æt þyfþe ge-
wita sy, ⁊ hit him on open wurðe, ðolige ðæs þeo-
wan, ⁊ beo his weres³² scyldig æt frumcyrre.
Gif he hit ofter do, beo he ealles scyldig þæs he
age, ⁊ eac swilce cynges hordera oððe ure gere-
fena swilc ðære ðeofa gewita wære ðe staledon,
beo he be ðam ilcan. be hlafordsearwum.
Ond we cwædon be hlafordsearwe, ðæt he beo his
feores scyldig, gif he his ætsacan ne mihte, oþþe
eft on þam þrimfealdum ordale ful wære.
⁊ we cwædon be ciricbryce, gif he ful wære on ðam
ðryfealdan ordale, bete be þam þe seo domboc
secge. be wiccecræftum.
Ond we cwædon be þam wiccecræftum, ⁊ be libla-
cum, ⁊ be morðdædum, gif man þær³³ acweald wære,
⁊ he his ætsacan ne mihte, þæt he beo his feores
scyldig. Gif he þonne ætsacan wille, ⁊ on ðam
þrimfealdum ordale ful weorðe, þæt he beo cxx.

34r

nihta on carcerne, ⁊ nimen þa magas hine siððan
ut, ⁊ gesyllan þam cynge cxx scillinga, ⁊ forgildan
ðone wer his magum, ⁊ gangon him on borh,
ðæt he æfre swylces³⁴ geswice. be blæserum.
Ða blysieras, and þa ðe ðeof wrecon, beon þæs il-
can ryhtes wyrðe, ⁊ se þe ðeof wrecan wille, ⁊
nanne man ne gewundige, gesylle þam cyninge
cxx. scillinga to wite³⁵ for ðan æthlype.³⁶ ⁊ we cwædon be ðam
anfealdum ordale æt þam mannum þe oft be-
ti_htlede wæron, ⁊ hy fule wurdon, ⁊ hy ni_ton
hwa hy on borh nime, gebringe man hy³⁷ on carcer-
ne, ⁊ man hy don ut swa hit her beforan gecweden³⁸
is. be landleasum mannum.
Ond we cwædon gif hwylc landleas man folgode
on oþre scire, ⁊ eft his magas gesece, þæt
he hine on þa gerad feormige, ðæt he hine to
folcryhte gelæde,³⁹ gif he þær gylt gewyrce, oþþe forebete.⁴⁰
Se ðe yrfe befo, be yrfes ætfenge.
nemne him man v men his neahgebura, ⁊ begite
ðara v, i ðæt him midswerige, þæt he hit on folc
ryht him toteo, ⁊ se þe hit him geagnian wille,
nemne him man x men,⁴¹ ⁊ begite þara twegen, ⁊ sylle
þone að þæt hit on his æhte geboren wære,
butan þam⁴² rimaðe, ⁊ stande þæs cyreaþ ofer xx

34v

be hwearfe. penega.⁴³ ⁊ nan man ne hwyrfe nanes yrfes bu-
tan ðæs gerefan gewitnesse, oððe þæs mæsse-
preostes, oððe þæs landhlafordes, oþþe þæs
horderes, oððe oþres ungelygenes⁴⁴ mannes. Gif
hit hwa do, gesylle xxx scillinga to wite, ⁊ fo se land-
hlaford to þam hwearfe.⁴⁵ be wohre⁴⁶ gewitnesse.
Gif man þonne afinde þæt heora⁴⁷ ænig on wohre⁴⁸
gewitnesse wære, þæt næfre his gewitnes eft
naht ne forstande, ⁊ eac gesylle xxx scillinga to wite.
Ond we cwædon, se ðe scyldunga⁴⁹ bæde æt ofslage-
num þeofe, ðæt he eode ðreora sum to,⁵⁰ twegen on fæde-
ran maga, ⁊ þridda on medren, ⁊ þone aþ syllen
ðæt hy on heora⁵¹ mæge⁵² nane þyfðe nyston, ðæt
he his feores wyrðe nære for ðam gilte, ⁊ hy gan
siððan xii sume, ⁊ gescyldigen hine swa hit
ær gecweden wæs. ⁊ gif ðæs deadan mægas ðider
cuman noldon to ðam andagan, gilde ælc ðe hit
ær sprece cxx scillinga.
Ond we cwædon þæt man nænne ceap ne gecea-
pige butan porte ofer xx penega, ac ceapige
ðær binnan on þæs portgerefan gewitnesse,
oððe on⁵³ oþres unlygenes⁵⁴ mannes, oððe eft on þara
gerefena gewitnesse on folcgemote.
Ond we cweðaþ ðæt ælc burh sy gebet xiiii.

35r

niht ofer gangdagas.⁵⁵ Oþer þæt ælc ceaping sy bin-
nan porte.⁵⁶ Þridda þæt an mynet, sy ofer eall ðæs
cynges onweald, ⁊ nan man ne mynetige butan on
porte. ⁊ gif se mynetere ful wurðe, slea man of
þa hand, ðe he ðæt ful mid worhte, ⁊ sette uppon⁵⁷
ða mynetsmiððan. ⁊ gif hit þonne tyhtle sy,
⁊ he hine ladi_an wille, ðonne ga he to þam hatum
isene, ⁊ ladige þa hand mid ðe man tyhð ðæt he
þæt facen mid worhte. ⁊ gif he on þam ordale ful
wurðe, do man þæt ilce swa hit ær beforan cwæð.
On cantwarabyrig
vii myneteras, iiii ðæs cynges, ⁊ ii þæs⁵⁸ biscopes, i
ðæs abbodes. To hrofeceastre ii cynges, ⁊ i þæs⁵⁹ bi-
scopes. To lundenbyrig viii. To wintaceastre vi.
To læwe ii. To hæstingaceastre i. Oþer to cisse-
ceastre. To hamtune ii. To wærham ii. To exece-
astre ii. To sceaftesbyrig ii. Elles to þam oþrum
burgum i.
Feorðe, þæt nan scyldwyrhta ne lecge nan scepes
fellon⁶⁰ scyld, ⁊ gif he hit do, gilde xxx scillinga.
Fifte, ðæt ælc man hæbbe æt þære syhl ii ge-
horsede men.
Syxte, gif hwa æt þeofe medsceatt⁶¹ nime, ⁊
oþres ryht afylle, beo he⁶² his weres scyldig.

35v

Seofoðe, þæt nan man ne sylle nan hors ofer sæ, butan he
hit gifan wille.
Ond we cwædon be þeowan men gif he ful wurþe
æt þam ordale þæt man gulde þæt ceapgild, ⁊
swinge hine man⁶³ ðriwa, oððe þæt oþer gild sealde, ⁊ sy
þæt wite be healfum wurðe æt þam ðeowum.
Gif hwa gemot forsitte
þriwa, gilde ðæs cynges oferhyrnesse, ⁊ hit beo
seofon nihtum ær geboden ær ðæt gemot sy.
Gif he þonne ryht wyrcan nylle, ne þa oferhyr-
nesse syllan, þonne ridan þa yldestan men to ealle
þe to⁶⁴ þære byrig hiron, ⁊ nimon eall ðæt he age, ⁊
setton hine on borh. Gif hwa þonne⁶⁵ nylle ridan mid
his geferan, gilde cynges oferhyrnesse.
And⁶⁶ beode man on þam gemote ðæt man eall⁶⁷ friþi-
ge þæt se cyng friþian wille, ⁊ forga þyfðe be his
feore, ⁊ be eallum þam þe he⁶⁸ age, ⁊ se þe be witum
geswican nylle, ðonne ridan þa yldestan⁶⁹ men to ealle
þe⁷⁰ to þære byrig hyron, ⁊ nimon eall ðæt he age,
⁊ fo se cyng to healfum, to healfum ða men
ðe on þære rade beon, ⁊ setton hine on borh. Gif he
nite hwa hine aborgie hæfton hine. Gif he nylle hit⁷¹
geþafian, leton hine licgan⁷² butan he ætwinde. Gif
hwa hine wrecan wille, oððe hine fælæce, þonne

36r

beo he fah wið ðone cyng ⁊ wið ealle his freond.
Gif he ætwinde, ⁊ hwa hine feormige, sy he his
weres scyldig, butan he hine ladian⁷³ durre, be þæs flyman were⁷⁴
þæt⁷⁵ he hine flyman nyste.
Gif hwa þingie for ordal, ðingie on ðam ceapgilde
þæt he mæge, ⁊ naht on ðam wite, butan hit
se gifan wille, þe hit togebyrige. ⁊ ne underfo nan
man oþres mannes man butan his leafe þe he
ær folgode. Gif hit hwa do agife þone man, ⁊ bete
cynges oferhyrnesse, ⁊ nan man ne tæce his ge-
tihtledan man fram him, ær he hæbbe ryht
geworht.
Gif hwa ordales weddige, ðonne cume he þrim
nihtum ær to þam mæssepreoste þe hit halgian
scyle, and fede hine sylfne mid hlafe, ⁊ mid wæ-
tere, ⁷⁶ ⁊ sealte, ⁊ wyrtum ær he togan scyle, ⁊ ge-
stande him mæssan þæra þreora daga ælcne,
⁊ geoffrige⁷⁷ to, ⁊ ga to husle ðy dæge þe he to ðam
ordale gan scyle, ⁊ swerige ðonne þane að, þæt
he sy mid folcryhte unscyldig ðære tihtlan,
ær he to þam ordale ga. ⁊ gif hit sy⁷⁸ wæter, ðæt he
gedufe oþre healfe elne on þam rape. Gif hit
sy ysenordal, beon ðreo niht ær man þa hand
undo, ⁊ ofga ælc man his tihtlan mid foreaðe

36v

swa we ær cwædon, ⁊ beo þæra ælc fæstende on ægþera⁷⁹
hand⁸⁰ se ðær mid sy, on⁸¹ godes bebode, ⁊ ðæs ærcebi-
scopes, ⁊ ne beo ðær on naþre healfe⁸² na⁸³ ma manna
þonne xii. Gif se getihtloda man ðonne⁸⁴ maran we-
rude beo þonne twelfa sum, þonne beo þæt ordal
forad, butan hy him fram gan willan.
Ond se þe yrfe bycge on gewitnesse, ⁊ hit eft
tyman scyle þonne onfo se⁸⁵ his, þe he hit ær ætbohte,
beo he swa freoh swa ðeow, swa hweðer⁸⁶ he sy. ⁊ ðæt
nan cyping ne sy sunnan dagum. Gif hit ðon-
ne hwa do, þolige ðæs ceapes, ⁊ gesylle xxx scillinga to wite.⁸⁷
Gif minra gerefa⁸⁸ hwylc þonne⁸⁹ þis don nylle, ⁊ læs
ymbe beo þonne we gecweden habbað, þonne gyl-
de he mine oferhyrnesse, ⁊ ic finde oþerne
ðe wile. And⁹⁰ se biscop amanige þa oferhyrnesse
æt þam gerefan, þe hit on his folgoþe sy.
Se ðe of ðissa gerædnesse ga, gilde æt frum cirre
v pund, æt oþrum cirre his were,⁹¹ æt þriddan
cirre ðolige ealles þæs þe⁹² he age, ⁊ ure eal-
ra freondscipes.
Ond se ðe man að swerige, ⁊ hit him on open
wurþe, ðæt he næfre eft aðwyrþe ne sy, ne
binnan nanum gehalgodum lictune ne licge
þeah he forðfare⁹³ butan he hæbbe ðæs biscopes

37r

gewitnesse ðe he on his scrift⁹⁴ scire sy, þæt he hit swa
gebett hæbbe swa him his scrift scrife, ⁊ his scrift
hit gecyþe þam biscope binnan xxx nihta
hweþer he to þære bote cirran wolde. Gif he swa
ne do, bete be þam þe se biscop him forgifan
wille.

Translation

Æthelstan’s laws

First, that one should not spare any thief who is caught red-handed, [who is] over 12 years, and [the value is] over eight pennies; and if one does so, he should pay for the thief according to his wergild⁹⁵ – and it will not be settled for the thief – or let him clear him [by an oath] by that [amount].

If he [the thief] wants to resist or flee,⁹⁶ then one should not spare him.

If one brings a thief into prison, in that case he will be in prison forty nights, and one may then redeem him with 120 shillings,⁹⁷ and the family will act as guarantor for him,⁹⁸ so that he should desist evermore.

And if he steals after that they should pay for him with his wergild, or bring him there again.

And if anyone stands up for him, he should pay for him with his wergild, whether to the king or to the one to whom it rightly belongs; and each one of those who stands by him, let them give to the king 120 shillings as a fine.

And we spoke concerning the lordless men, from whom one cannot obtain justice, that one should bid their family, so that they bring him home to [face] justice,⁹⁹ and find him a lord in the public assembly.

And if they then will not, or cannot, bring him on the appointed day, then he will afterwards be an outlaw, and he who comes upon him may kill him as a thief.¹⁰⁰ And he who harbours him after that, should pay for him with his wergild, or clear himself [by oath] to [the value of] that.¹⁰¹

Concerning refusal of justice¹⁰²

The lord who refuses justice, and takes the part of his evildoer,¹⁰³ and appeals to the king, he should pay back the market-price [of what is stolen], and give to the king 120 shillings.

And he who appeals to the king before he demands justice from him [the wrongdoer] – as often as it becomes him¹⁰⁴ – should pay the same fine as the other would have,¹⁰⁵ if he had refused him justice.¹⁰⁶

And the lord who is an accessory to theft by his slave, and this becomes known about him, should forfeit his slave,¹⁰⁷ and should be liable to his wergild in the first instance.¹⁰⁸

If he does it often, he should be liable for all that he owns; and, likewise, any of the king’s treasurers or of our reeves, who were accessories of the thieves who stole, should be subject to the same.

Concerning treachery against one’s lord

And we declared concerning treachery against one’s lord that he should be liable to forfeit his life if he is unable to deny it [the charge] or if he were afterwards found guilty at the threefold ordeal. And we declared concerning breaking into a church,¹⁰⁹ that if he were found guilty at the threefold ordeal, he should pay according to what the lawbook says.¹¹⁰

Concerning witchcrafts

And we declared concerning witchcrafts, and concerning sorceries,¹¹¹ and concerning murders,¹¹² if one were thereby killed, and he is unable to deny it, then he should be liable to forfeit his life.

If he then wishes to deny it, and at the threefold ordeal is found guilty, [we declared] that he be 120 nights in prison, and then the [guilty person’s] family will take him out and give to the king 120 shillings, and pay the wergild to his [the murdered person’s] family, and go surety for him so that he hereafter should desist from such.

Concerning arsonists

The arsonists and those who avenge a thief should be measured by the same judgment,¹¹³ and he who wishes to avenge a thief, but no one is wounded, should give to the king 120 shillings as a fine for the assault. And we declared concerning the single ordeal,¹¹⁴ with regard to those persons who often were accused and were found guilty, and they know no one to stand surety for them, one should bring them to prison, and one should release them as it was stated here before.

Concerning landless persons

And we declared that if any landless person took service in another shire and afterwards seek his family,¹¹⁵ he [the family member] may take him in [the landless man] on the condition that he lead him to justice, should he carry out an offence there, or else pay compensation.¹¹⁶

Concerning the taking possession of property¹¹⁷

He who seizes property, one should obtain for him 5 persons from his neighbours, and from the 5 get one who should swear with him that he claims it according to public law;¹¹⁸ but he who wishes to declare it as owned by himself,¹¹⁹ one should take for him 10 men, and from them two [oath-supporters], and he should give the oath that it was born on his land – the oath of all is not needed¹²⁰ – and this selected oath is to be valid [in cases] over 20 pennies.¹²¹

Concerning exchange [of property]

And no one is to exchange any property without the witness of the reeve, or the mass-priest, or the land-lord,¹²² or the treasurer or other trustworthy person.

If such is done, one should pay 30 shilling as a fine, and the land-lord is to take the exchanged property.

Concerning false witness

If one should then find that any of them gave false witness, never again shall his witness be valid; and also he should pay 30 shillings as a fine.

And we declared that he who may demand payment for a slain thief should come forward with three others,¹²³ two from the father’s kin and the third from the mother’s; and they are to give the oath that they have not known of any thievery in their relative – for which guilt he would not be worthy of life. And they [the slayers of the man]¹²⁴ shall then go with 12 others, and shall prove him [the slain thief] liable as it was declared before. And if the dead person’s family does not come forward at the appointed day, each one who spoke before of it [those demanding the payment] should pay 120 shillings.

And we declared that no one should trade any goods over 20 pennies outside the town,¹²⁵ but should trade there inside with the witness of the town-reeve,¹²⁶ or other trustworthy person; or thereafter with the witness of the reeves at a public assembly.

And we declare that each borough be repaired 14 nights after Rogationtide.¹²⁷

Second, that each market be within a town.

Third, that a single coinage be over all the king’s realm, and no one may mint outside of a town. And if the minter be found guilty, one should cut off the hand with which he committed the crime, and set it above the mint.¹²⁸

And when there is an accusation, and he wishes to clear himself, then he should go to the [ordeal] of hot iron, and he should redeem the hand with which he was accused of committing the crime.¹²⁹ And if he be found guilty in the ordeal, one should do the same as is stated before.

In Canterbury [there are to be] 7 minters, 4 of the king, two of the bishop,1 of the abbot. At Rochester, 2 of the king and one of the bishop. At London, 8. At Winchester, 6. At Lewes, 2. At Hastings, 1. Another at Chichester. At Southampton, 2. At Wareham, 2. At Exeter, 2. At Shaftesbury, 2. Otherwise, in the other boroughs, 1.

Fourth, that no shield-maker may lay sheepskin on a shield, and if he does he should pay 30 shillings.

Fifth, that each person should have in respect to the plough two mounted men.¹³⁰

Sixth, if anyone takes a bribe from a thief, and another’s rights are suppressed, he should be liable for his wergild.

Seventh, that no person may sell any horse overseas, unless he wishes to gift it.¹³¹

And we declared concerning an enslaved person, if he is found guilty at the ordeal, that one should pay the market value [of the stolen goods],¹³² and one should beat him three times, or else a second payment should be given; and the [public] fine with respect to slaves should be at half the rate.¹³³

If someone fails to attend an assembly three times, one should pay [a fine] for disobedience to the king; and it should be announced seven nights before the assembly happens.

If he then will not carry out what is right, nor will pay the disobedience fine, then the most senior men shall ride there, all who belong to the borough, and take all that he owns, and place him under surety.¹³⁴ If, however, anyone will not ride with his fellows, he should pay [a fine] for disobedience to the king.

And one should announce in the assembly that one should be at peace with all that the king should wish to be at peace with,¹³⁵ and refrain from theft on pain of death and by all that he may own. And he who does not wish to cease, [even] for [such] penalties, then the most senior men shall ride there, all who belong to the borough, and take all that he owns; and the king should take possession of half, and half to the men who are on the raid; and they should set him under surety.

If he does not know anyone to stand surety for him, they should imprison him. If he will not allow this, let him lie [dead] – unless he should escape.

If anyone wishes to avenge him or carry on a feud for him, then he will be at enmity with the king and with all his [the king’s] friends.

If he should escape, and someone harbours him, he should be liable for his wergild, unless he dares to clear himself – by the [amount of the] fugitive’s wergild – that he did not know him to be a fugitive.

If someone should make terms for the ordeal, he may make terms [based] on the market value, and not on the penalty, unless he, to whom it belongs, wishes to grant it.¹³⁶

And no one should receive the man of another without the permission of him whom he served before. If someone does so, he should give back the man, and pay [the fine of] disobedience to the king; and no one may dismiss from himself an accused man of his own before he has rendered justice.

If anyone should pledge [to undertake] the ordeal, then he should come the third night beforehand to the mass-priest who shall consecrate it [i.e. the ordeal], and he should sustain himself with bread and with water and salt and vegetables before he shall go thereto; and he should be present at mass each of those three days, and should make his offering, and go to the housel on the day on which he shall go to the ordeal;¹³⁷ and he should then swear the oath that he is, according to public law, innocent of the charge, before he goes to the ordeal.

And if it is [the ordeal of] water, that he should sink one and a half ells on the rope.¹³⁸ If it is the iron-ordeal, there should be three nights before one undoes the hand.¹³⁹ And let each person begin his accusation with a preliminary oath just as we declared before; and each of those, of both sides,¹⁴⁰ who are there should fast, according to God’s command and that of the archbishop; and there should not be on either side any more than 12 persons. If then the accused person be one in a company of more than twelve, then the ordeal should be void, unless they be willing to go from him.

And he who buys property before a witness, and afterwards has to vouch warranty for it, then he from whom he previously bought it should take back his [goods],¹⁴¹ be he free or slave,¹⁴² whichever he is.

And [we declared] that there be no trading on Sunday. If then anyone does this, he should forfeit the goods, and pay 30 shilling as a fine.

If any of my reeves is then unwilling to do this,¹⁴³ or does less than we have declared, then he should pay [the fine] of disobedience to me, and I shall find another who will. And the bishop, in whose district it be,¹⁴⁴ should exact the [fine of] disobedience from the reeve. He who departs from these laws should pay in the first instance 5 pounds, and on the second occasion his wergild; on the third occasion he should suffer the loss of all that he owns, and the friendship of us all.

And he who swears a false oath, and it comes into the open about him, [we have declared] that he never afterwards be oath-worthy, nor should be laid within any holy cemetery should he die,¹⁴⁵ unless he would have the testimony of the bishop in whose confession-shire he is,¹⁴⁶ that he has repented for it just as his confessor has prescribed for him. And his confessor should make it known to the bishop within 30 nights whether he was willing to turn to atonement. If he does not do so, he should pay according to what the bishop will allow him.¹⁴⁷

Bibliography

Bartlett, Robert, Trial by Fire and Water: The Medieval Judicial Ordeal (Clarendon Press/Oxford University Press, 1986).

Clark Hall, J. R., A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, fourth edition (University of Toronto Press, 1960).

Foot, Sarah, Æthelstan (Yale University Press, 2011).

Gilbey, Walter, Horses Past and Present (Vinton & Co., Ltd, 1900), available via Project Gutenberg EBook

Gittos, Helen, Liturgy, Architecture, and Sacred Places in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford University Press, 2013).

Keynes, Simon, ‘Appendix: Rulers of the English, c.450-1066’, in The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Michael Lapidge, John Blair, Simon Keynes, and Donald Scragg (Blackwell Publishing, 1999).

Lambert, Tom, Law & Order in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford University Press, 2017).

Liebermann, Felix, Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, 3 volumes (M. Niemeyer, 1903–16) (edition available via Early English Laws website for each law code).

Whitelock, Dorothy, English Historical Documents, Volume I, c.500-1042, second edition (Eyre Methuen/Oxford University Press, 1979).

Wormald, Patrick, The Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century (Blackwell Publishing, 1999).

Zupko, Ronald E., A Dictionary of Weights and Measures for the British Isles: The Middle Ages To the Twentieth Century (American Philosophical Society, 1985).

Websites

Bosworth & Toller dictionary Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary online (bosworthtoller.com)

British Library, Medieval manuscripts blog, Medieval manuscripts blog

Colin Flight’s website, Durobrivis

DOE. The Dictionary of Old English: A to I; limited free access here

Early English Laws, Early English Laws: Home

Parker Library On the Web: Manuscripts in the Parker Library at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, Parker Library On the Web - Spotlight at Stanford

Footnotes

1 This is Dorothy Whitelock’s date: Whitelock, p. 417.

2 Many thanks indeed to Elise Fleming for kindly proofreading the commentary, translation and notes.

3 Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 383, folios 14v-15v; the text starts at the bottom of 14v with the heading, ‘Be ðeofum.’ and ends abruptly at the bottom of 15v. Thus only about one fifth of the Grately Code is preserved in the Cambridge manuscript. The digital facsimile can be found here [accessed 22 February 2023].

4 London, British Library, Cotton MS Otho B.xi.

5 For more on Quadripartitus, see Wormald, pp. 236-44.

6 See the index in Bartlett, p. 178, ‘for specific historical examples of the use of the ‘cold water’ ordeal.

7 See the index in Bartlett, p. 178, for specific historical examples of the use of the ‘hot iron’ ordeal.

8 See DOE, fūl adj., 1, 1.a.ii and 1.a.iii; and for the legal meaning of ‘guilty’, see 4c.

9 Whitelock, p. 418, translates ‘be morðdædum’ (literally, ‘deeds of murder’) as ‘concerning[…] secret attempts on life’; similarly, Wormald, p. 367, in translating the law code Be blaserum ⁊ be morðslihtum, gives ‘about[…] underhand killings’ for ‘be þam morþslyhtum’ (literally, ‘concerning murder-slaughters’).

10 Bartlett, p. 31, uses ‘simple’ rather than ‘single’. The OE word anfeald, literally ‘one-fold’, can be translated either way, though DOE offers ‘simple’ in legal contexts: see ān-feald 2.f., ‘in legal phrases referring to the usual form of an oath, charge, ordeal, etc. without amplification or modification: anfeald aþ / lad / ordal / spræc / tihtle / wegild “simple oath / purgation / ordeal / suit / charge / compensation”. My view is that in the context of ordeals, anfeald specifically relates to measurement (a one pound weight in the iron-ordeal); moreover, where ordeals can also be þrimfeald – threefold, it makes good sense to translate anfeald as ‘single’ rather than ‘simple’.

11 See the index in Bartlett, p. 178, for historical examples of the use of ordeal by ‘cauldron’.

12 My own emphasis.

13 The transcript (London, British Library, Additional MS 43703) was made in 1562 by the antiquarian Laurence Nowell; a digital facsimile of the transcript is available on the Early English Laws website, here [accessed 22 February 2023]. Colin Flight’s transcript of the laws of Textus Roffensis has also proved useful in reconstructing illegible words, and is available here [accessed 22 February 2023].

14 A British Library blog post on the fire is available here [accessed 22 February 2023].

15 ‘gerædnesse’ is the more expected spelling, as is noted by Liebermann, Early English Laws: Liebermann edition [accessed 15 December 2022].

16 There is water damage at the top of the folio, which makes some words on the first six lines difficult or impossible to read. The affected words are shown in grey font and have been reconstructed based upon the text in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 383, folios 14v-15r. Also, in the top right margin, there is what appears to be a Latin annotation in a later, non-medieval hand; I cannot make out most of the words.

17 Flight has ‘xx’, but with the benefit of the zoom feature on the digital facsimile it is possible to see that ‘xii’ is written. This corresponds with both the Cambridge manuscript and the Nowell transcript, both of which have ‘twelf’ (‘twelve’).

18 ‘7’ is inserted above the line.

19 ‘þingodre.’ is followed by an insertion mark; the corresponding insertion mark in the right margin has the text (lines 5 and 6), ‘oþþe hine be þam geladie’, so I have inserted the text accordingly. Though the inserted text is faded, I can make out the spelling of the last word as ‘geladie’ and so have opted not to use the different ‘geladige’ from the Cambridge manuscript.

20 ‘þonne’ is inserted above the line.

21 There is an erasure between and a line connecting ‘weri’ and ‘an’.

22 There is a line written between ‘ni’ and ‘hta’.

23 ‘ne a’ is inserted above the line to correct ‘ðone lyse’ to ‘ðonne alyse’.

24 There is a space left after ‘hwa’.

25 ‘man’ is inserted above the line.

26 ‘to þam andagan’ was evidently added as a correction of an omission as it extends into the margin.

27 ‘þe’ is inserted above the line.

28 ‘man’ is inserted in the margin, to the side of ‘licge’.

29 The ‘ge’ of ‘foregesece’ is inserted above the line.

30 The ‘ge of ‘gesece’ is inserted above the line.

31 ‘swa oft swa him to gebyrie,’ appears in the left margin, along with an insertion mark, now badly faded; the corresponding insertion mark in the main body is inserted after ‘bidde,’.

32 Old English wer is used in this context as an abbreviation for wergild.

33 ‘þær’ is inserted above the line.

34 ‘swylces’ is inserted above the line.

35 ‘to wite’ is inserted above the line.

36 The ‘t’ of ‘æthlype’ is inserted above the line.

37 ‘hy’ is inserted above the line.

38 The ‘ge’ of ‘gecweden’ is inserted above the line.

39 The ‘ge’ of ‘gelæde’ is inserted above the line.

40 ‘oþer forebete’ is added later, extending into the margin.

41 ‘men,’ is inserted above the line.

42 ‘þam’ is inserted above the line.

43 The words ‘penega’, ‘[bu]-tan ðæs’ and ‘preostes’ at the beginning of the first three lines, shown in grey font, have been reconstructed by comparing Nowell’s transcription.

44 The second ‘e’ of ‘ungelygenes’

45 The ‘fe’ of ‘hwearfe’ is inserted above the line.

46 The ‘h’ of ‘wohre’ is inserted above the line.

47 The ‘o’ of ‘heora’ is inserted above the line.

48 The ‘h’ of ‘wohre’ is inserted above the line.

49 A mark along the line splits the word ‘scyld¬_unga’.

50 ‘to,’ is inserted above the line.

51 The ‘o’ of ‘heora’ is inserted above the line.

52 The ‘e’ of ‘mæge’ is inserted above the line.

53 ‘on’ is inserted above the line.

54 The first ‘e’ of ‘unlygenes’ is inserted above the line.

55 Comparison with the Nowell transcript has helped to clarify some of the faded words – those shown in grey font – at the top of this page.

56 The ‘e’ of ‘porte’ is inserted above the line.

57 The second ‘p’ of ‘uppon’ is inserted above the line.

58 ‘þæs’ is inserted above the line.

59 ‘þæs’ is inserted above the line.

60 The second ‘l’ of ‘fellon’ is inserted above the line.

61 The final ‘t’ of ‘medsceatt’ is inserted above the line.

62 ‘he’ is inserted above the line.

63 ‘man’ is inserted above the line.

64 ‘þe to’ is added in the left margin to correct an omission.

65 ‘þonne’ is inserted above the line.

66 The ‘A’ of ‘And’ is an alteration of ‘O’.

67 The second ‘l’ of ‘eall’ is inserted above the line.

68 ‘he’ is inserted above the line.

69 The ‘e’ of ‘yldestan’ is inserted above the line.

70 ‘þe’ is inserted into the left margin to correct an omission.

71 ‘hit’ is inserted into the right margin to correct an omission.

72 ‘gan’ of the word ‘licgan’ is inserted above the line.

73 A space with an ‘¬_’ splits the word ‘ladian’.

74 ‘þæs flyman were’ is inserted into the right margin to correct an omission.

75 The abbreviation for ‘þæt’ is inserted into the left margin to correct an omission.

76 The first ‘e’ of ‘tere’ is inserted above the line.

77 The ‘ge’ of ‘geoffrige’ is inserted above the line.

78 ‘sy’ is inserted above the line.

79 The ‘þera’ part of the word ‘ægþera’ is inserted into the right margin as a correction.

80 The words in grey font on this and the previous line have been reconstructed by comparing the Nowell transcript; however, ‘fastende’ is not clear in Nowell (Nowell has a rather untidy hand) but is just about decipherable using zoom on the Textus digital facsimile.

81 ‘on’ is inserted above the line.

82 The final ‘e’ of ‘healfe’ is inserted above the line.

83 ‘na’ is inserted above the line.

84 The first ‘n’ of ‘ðonne’ is inserted above the line.

85 ‘se’ is inserted above the line.

86 The ‘hwe’ of ‘hweðer’ is inserted above the line.

87 ‘to wite’ is inserted into the right margin to correct an omission.

88 The ‘a’ of ‘gerefa’ is separated from the rest of the word by the extended bar of the ‘f’.

89 ‘þonne’ is inserted above the line.

90 The original ‘O’ of ‘Ond’ is altered to ‘A’ (‘And’).

91 The final ‘e’ of ‘were’ is inserted above the line.

92 ‘þe’ is inserted above the line.

93 The ‘ð’ of ‘forðfare’ is inserted above the line.

94 ‘scrift’ is inserted above the line.

95 That is, the wergild of the thief. The wergild was the value of the life of a free person according to their rank; it was used in matters of law with respect to payment of compensation and fines.

96 ‘resist’, or ‘defend himself’, as Whitelock, p. 417, renders it. The sense, however, is not that the thief wishes to legally defend himself but rather that the thief, who has been caught in the act, attempts physically to resist capture.

97 120 shillings appears to equate to the wergild of a free person of the lowest class.

98 ‘family’, or ‘kindred’.

99 Compare DOE, ‘folc-riht noun […] 1. public law, customary law […] 2. to folcrihte lædan ‘to lead (someone acc.) to justice’.

100 More literally, ‘lay him as a thief’, with the sense of causing him to lie dead.

101 Following Liebermann, ‘oder reinige sich [durch Eid] im Werthe dieses [Wergelds]’, ‘or purify himself [by oath] to the worth of this [wergeld]; Early English Laws: Liebermann edition [accessed 16 December 2022]; Whitelock, p. 418, gives: ‘or to clear himself by an oath of that amount’. The basic sense is that the one accused of harbouring an outlawed thief must pay a wergild as a fine or clear himself from the accusation by swearing an oath; see the entry for ladian in the online Bosworth & Toller dictionary: Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary online (bosworthtoller.com) [accessed 16 December 2022].

102 The refusal of justice relates to a lord’s denial or prevention of prosecution at his own court of an individual under his jurisdiction (a freeman who has sworn fealty to his lord), either by the lord taking the side of the culprit and then appealing to the king, or by ignoring or pre-empting due process at his own court by directly appealing to the king first.

103 See Clark Hall, ‘licgan […] 1. for take the part of’; Clark Hall cites this line in Æthelstan’s law as the example for this rather specific use of the verb. Literally, the meaning is that the lord ‘lies (down) for’ the evildoer. As an alternative, we could read ‘licge’ (‘lies’, as in ‘lies down’) to be an error for ‘leoge’ (‘lies’, as in ‘tells a lie’), giving us the sense that the lord lies for the culprit, in other words, he defends a guilty man who is under his jurisdiction.

104 Alluding to the importance of the lord regularly holding court.

105 ‘the other’, here, is referring back to the lord of the previous sentence who stands up for one of his guilty men.

106 In the sense of refusing to bring the criminal to justice.

107 It is unclear what happens to the slave.

108 The lord must pay a penalty fine equivalent to his own wergild – a slave would not have a wergild.

109 DOE also suggests cyric-bryce could perhaps also mean ‘sacrilege in a wider sense’.

110 Here referring to pre-existing laws, specifically, it would seem, to the laws of Alfred which state that if one steals anything in church one would pay compensation and a fine, and lose one’s hand; see Whitelock, p. 418, n. 3.

111 Other uses of lyblac ‘sorcery’ in Old English texts point to acts that cause harm; Bosworth & Toller define it as ‘the art of using drugs or potions for the purpose of poisoning, or for magical purposes’, bosworthtoller.com/21921 [accessed 12 February 2023].

112 The ‘murders’ here are, contextually, associated with the foregoing ‘witchcrafts’ and ‘sorceries’ and so may perhaps best be understood as surreptitious killings. Note that Whitelock (p. 418) gives ‘secret attempts on life’ and observes (p. 418, n. 4), ‘literally, “murders”. Open killing was not regarded as murder in Anglo-Saxon law.’

113 Presumably meaning that those accused of arson or who avenge a thief should face the threefold ordeal.

114 Or ‘simple ordeal’. The ‘single ordeal’, in the context of the ordeal by hot iron, refers to the one pound weight of the hot iron, as opposed to the three pound weight of the ‘threefold ordeal’.

115 In the sense of ‘if he should return to his family’, his kin group in the shire from where he originated.

116 Presumably, ‘there’ refers to ‘another shire’ in the earlier clause. Thus the one who takes in the returning landless relative, if it turns out they have committed an offence in the other shire, must be prepared to either take him back to face justice or pay the compensation on his behalf.

117 A more modern legal term would be ‘attachment’.

118 DOE, folc-riht 1, ‘public law, customary law’.

119 This is referring to the one who is accused of stealing the property.

120 More literally, ‘without the number-oath [OE rim-að]’, that is, the oath of the whole number of support witnesses.

121 DOE cyre-āþ, ‘selected oath, an oath sworn by an accused man and a selection of oath-takers nominated by the judge or the adversary of the accused man, in contrast to an oath butan cyre’; cyre A.1.a, ‘butan cyre “without selection (of the oath-takers by the judge or adversary)”’.

122 Or, ‘lord of the estate’, Whitelock, p. 419; i.e. the lord of the persons wishing to make the exchange.

123 This relates the circumstance of contested guilt after a person has been slain as a thief; the demand of the family members would be for the slain person’s wergild. Most likely this is the context where the victims of theft acted in vengeance against the thief, as they had the right to do if he was caught in the act, but where the family of the thief contest the guilt and provide three family members as compurgators and testify to his innocence.

124 Following Liebermann, who reads ‘they’ as the party who has slain the man, whereas Whitelock suggests it could possibly mean that the family of the slain person must prove him to be liable to be paid for, which I personally find too awkward; see Whitelock, p. 419, ns. 3 and 4.

125 OE port has the sense in this context of a town with market rights, perhaps one with a harbour; see Clark Hall, port.

126 Or, ‘port-reeve’.

127 OE gang-dæg, literally ‘walking day’, in the plural meaning Rogationtide, the three days preceding the Feast of the Ascension. Rogationtide in the early medieval period was associated with penance and prayer but also the blessing of crops and the local community by clergy, who would lead the laity in a procession around the landscape, walking barefoot and holding relics, crosses and holy books. There is evidence for less sombre celebrations among the laity: games, huge feasts and even horse-racing. For more information, see Gittos, pp. 134-39.

128 Literally, ‘mint-smithy’. Presumably, the hand would stand as a visible sign to all in the community that the particular metalworker responsible for illegal minting was dishonest.

129 Here, the order is confusing but it seems logical that the accusation and ordeal take place before guilt is established and the minter loses his hand. The redemption of his hand is therefore the saving of his hand.

130 The meaning of the Old English is not entirely clear. Liebermann in his German translation gives a ‘probable’ reading meaning ‘that everyone who owns a plough should keep 2 mounted men/warriors’; see Lieberman, p. 159 [accessed 24 February 2023]. Similarly, Whitelock, p. 420 and n. 3, translates it as ‘every man is to have two well-mounted men for every plough’ and notes that ‘If this refers to military service, the demand is much heavier than in later times, when there is some evidence that one man went from five hides.’ On balance, this probably does relate to the obligation of lords, who hold plough-lands, to provide horsemen to the king.

131 Walter Gilbey (1831-1914), a well-known horse-breeder of the Victorian period, offers his perspective on Æthelstan’s forbidding of the export of horses in his work Horses Past and Present (available online as a Project Gutenberg EBook): King Athelstan (925-940) is entitled to special mention, for it was he who passed the first of a long series of laws by which the export of horses was forbidden. Athelstan's law assigns no reason for this step; but the only possible motive for such a law must have been to check the trade which the high qualities of English-bred horses had brought into existence. At no period of our history have we possessed more horses than would supply our requirements, and Athelstan's prohibition of the export of horses beyond sea, unless they were sent as gifts, was undoubtedly due to a growing demand which threatened to produce scarcity. This king saw no objection to the importation of horses: he accepted several as gifts from Continental Sovereigns, and evidently attached much value to them, for in his will he made certain bequests of white horses and others which had been given him by Saxon friends.

132 The responsibility for recompensing the victim of theft with the market value of the stolen goods lay with the slave’s owner, though other early English laws suggest slaves themselves may have had personal money, in which case we may assume that this money would be used first. This payment may be read as additional to returning the goods.

133 This is alluding to the fine that goes into the public coffers; it is in addition to recompensing the victim of the theft. The slave’s owner is responsible for this.

134 Likely with the sense that he will be imprisoned if no-one stands surety for him; see the next law, below.

135 DOE gives for friþian ‘to be at peace with, protect, preserve, defend’; so the sense here appears to be that all should defend and uphold the king’s position in a judicial matter.

136 This appears to relate to someone interceding (see þingian in Bosworth Toller) in order to settle a dispute relating to theft; that is, the trial by ordeal does not take place because the intercessor is able to get the accused/thief and the accuser/victim to reach a settlement, though this settlement has to be based on the true value of the goods, not on the payment of a fine (which may be of less value), unless the accuser/victim grants the latter. This intercession thus guarantees that the accused/thief is spared the horror of the ordeal – which at any rate may well lead to a monetary penalty – and the accuser/victim obtains recompense.

137 OE husel survives in the archaic housel, meaning the administering and/or receiving of the Eucharist, i.e. holy communion.

138 ‘oþre healfe’, ‘one and a half’, following Whitelock, p. 421. An ell was a measurement for cloth in the late medieval period, ‘generally containing 45 inches (1.143m)’ according to A Dictionary of Weights and Measurements for the British Isles: The Middle Ages To the Twentieth Century, ed. Ronald E. Zupko (American Philosophical Society, 1985), p. 119.

139 The hand is bound after the ordeal of carrying the hot iron bar. It is then inspected three days later: if it is not infected, the person is deemed without guilt; if it is infected, guilt is established.

140 Literally, ‘of both hands’; Whitelock, p. 421, gives ‘of both parties’; it would seem, however, that the phrase alludes to the practice of the advocates of both the accused and the accuser physically lining up on the left-hand and right-hand sides inside the church, where the ordeal takes place; see by way of comparison, the instructions in the law known as Ordal.

141 The context appears to be where an accusation is made, subsequent to the sale, that the goods (quite possibly referring to livestock) were stolen, and the buyer then has to vouch that he bought them in good faith; and due to the fact that the sale was witnessed by an official, the buyer can return the goods and the seller is obliged to take them back. Thus the person unwittingly buying stolen goods is saved from being accused.

142 That a seller or buyer – which is not clear – may be a slave seems to imply that a slave, perhaps on behalf of his lord, may have been involved in the process of selling and/or buying.

143 The ‘this’ appears to refer to the upholding of the entire set of laws of the Grately code, rather than just the preceding law of Sunday trading; see the reference to those who deviate from ‘these laws’ (OE ‘ðissa gerædnesse’), which follows shortly after.

144 ‘district’, OE folgoþ; Whitelock, p. 421, gives ‘diocese’.

145 ‘die’, more literally, ‘go forth’.

146 ‘confession-shire’, a literal translation of ‘scrift-scire’; Francesca Tinti (Tinti, p. 34) explains that ‘the use of the term scriftscir indicates the importance of confession’ in defining the territories over which a church holds spiritual jurisdiction.

147 In other words, the oath-breaker may pay a monetary payment in lieu of an act of penance, the amount being determined by the bishop.

Dr Christopher Monk 10/03/2023 Dr Christopher Monk 10/03/2023

Concerning arsonists and murders, probably 10th century

Concerning arsonists and murders (Be blaserum ⁊ be morðslihtum), anonymous, probably the 2nd quarter of the 10th century. Translation from Old English of Textus Roffensis folio 31v-32r by Dr Christopher Monk.

Thought to be the earliest of the anonymous Old English law codes,¹ this text concerns the judicial process for those accused of arson or murder,² and it relates some of the particulars of trial by ordeal.³

It is this brief law that enables us to understand that a ‘threefold’ ordeal of iron, referred to elsewhere in the Old English laws (see, for example, Æthelstan’s Grately Code), involved increasing threefold the weight of the iron bar, to be carried by the accused, from one to three pounds. In another anonymous law, known as Ordal,⁴ we learn that the iron bar was heated upon coals and was carried by the accused for a measurement of nine of his, or her, feet.

This text is also important for showing that the crimes of arson and murder required greater support of one’s oath – the declaration of one’s innocence – if the accused were to escape the ordeal. The deepening of one’s oath threefold meant the accused had to find three times the usual number of people to publicly stand as ‘oath-supporters’.

Transcription

31v (select folio number to open facsimile)

_We cwædon be þam blaserum, cxxi⁵
⁊ be þam morþslyhtum, þæt man dypte þone
aþ be þryfealdum, ⁊ myclade þæt ordalysen
þæt hit gewege þry pund, ⁊ eode se man sylf

32r

to þe man tuge, ⁊ hæbbe se teond cyre, swa wæter-
ordal, swa ysenordal, swa hwæþer him leofra
sy. Gif he ðone að forþbringan ne mæg, ⁊
he þonne ful sy, stande on þæra yldesta man-
na dome, hweþer he lif age þe nage, þe to ðære
byrig hyran.

Translation

See Translation Notes

We declared concerning arsonists and concerning murders that one should deepen the oath threefold,⁶ and one should enlarge the ordeal-iron so that it should weigh three pounds, and the person who is the one accused should walk themself;⁷ and the accuser should have the choice, whether the water-ordeal or the iron-ordeal,⁸ whatever is pleasing to him.

If he [the accused] is unable to bring forth the oath,⁹ and he then be guilty [after the ordeal], it should stand on the judgement of the most senior men that belong to the borough court whether he keeps his life or not.

Bibliography

Wormald, Patrick. The Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century (Blackwell, 1999).

Website

Early English Laws, Early English Laws: Home

Footnotes

1 See the introductory comments on the Early English Laws website.

2 Wormald, p. 367, gives ‘underhand killings’.

3 Many thanks to Elise Fleming for kindly proofreading the introduction, translation and notes.

4 Ordal follows this text just a few lines after it finishes, there being the fragmentary text known as Forfang in between the two.

5 The number (121) indicates that this short law is integrated into the law code of King Ine of Wessex (reigned 688-726), which itself is appended to the laws of Alfred the Great (reigned in Wessex 871-899).

6 That is, the accused person must find three times the usual number of people to act as supporters of his oath of denial.

7 OE man signifies a person of either sex. There was to be no representative serving as substitute; the accused person themself had to hold the heated iron and walk the length of the ordeal.

8 It is unclear whether the ‘water-ordeal’ here refers to the so-called ‘hot water’ ordeal (plunging one’s hand or arm into boiling water), described in Ordal, or the so-called ‘cold water’ ordeal (being plunged into a body of water to a certain depth), outlined in Æthelstan’s Grately Code.

9 That is, he is unable to assemble the increased number of oath-supporters.

Dr Christopher Monk 10/03/2023 Dr Christopher Monk 10/03/2023

Forfang: a reward for retrieving stolen property, probably 10th century

Transcription and translation from Old English of Textus Roffensis folio 32r by Dr Christopher Monk.

The three lines of this fragmentary text is the ‘summary clause’ of an anonymous code known today as Forfang,¹ which deals with the reward for retrieving stolen property, both human (i.e. slaves) and animal (specifically, horses). The Textus Roffensis scribe seems to have been working from a truncated exemplar, so he did not include the remaining text of this law (Wormald, p. 369). In fact, Forfang, a little peculiarly, is presented as if it is the final part of the previous law, which concerns arson and murder (which can be found here).²

The summary clause in isolation is confusing. It begins to make sense once we take into account what it is summarising. The full text of Forfang is found in the manuscript Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 383, at folio 9v, and the late Patrick Wormald’s interpretation of this is as follows:

The gist is that ‘wise men have ordained (witan habbað gerædd)’ that the reward is to be fifteen pence, whether for men (i.e. runaways) or horses, throughout the whole land, regardless of the number of shires traversed in the search. It had once been the case that rewards were proportionate to the distances involved, and paid at the rate of one penny for every shilling’s worth of goods stolen, but it was now thought unfair to burden the ‘small man’ with the cost of an excessive reward as well as extended travel. (Wormald, p. 369.)

The summary clause thus specifies that the reward the owner was to pay the finder for retrieving his stolen goods was now to be fixed at 15 pennies in every case.

Transcription

32r (select folio number to open facsimile)

Forfang ofer eall, sy hit on
anre scipe,³ sy hit on ma, fiftyne peningas,
⁊ æt ælcon smalon orfe, æfre æt scyllinge penig.

Translation

See Translation Notes

The reward everywhere, be it over one shire or more, [shall be] fifteen pennies, and so with the property of any small [man], ever before at one penny [per] one shilling[‘s worth of goods].

Bibliography

Wormald, Patrick. The Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century (Blackwell, 1999).

Website

Parker Library On the Web: Manuscripts in the Parker Library at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, Parker Library On the Web Home

Footnotes

1 Many thanks to Elise Fleming for proofreading the introduction, translation and notes.

2 For more on the transmission of Forfang, see Wormald, p. 370.

3 ‘scipe’ is an error for ‘scire’.

Dr Christopher Monk 24/12/2022 Dr Christopher Monk 24/12/2022

Æthelstan modifies the penalties for theft (c.930-39)

Concerning both the age at which a thief could be executed and the lower limit of the value of property stolen for which a thief could be put to death.

This text,¹ found only in Textus Roffensis, is a modification of King Æthelstan’s legislation on the penalties for theft.² It concerns both the age at which a thief could be executed and the lower limit of the value of property stolen for which a thief could be put to death.

In his first known pronouncements on theft, recorded in what is known as the Grately Code (issued at Grately, Hampshire, c.926-c.930),³ Æthelstan stated: ‘First, that one should not spare any thief who is caught red-handed, [who is] over 12 years, and [the value is] over eight pennies’.⁴ The modification, made by the king during a meeting with his counsel at Whittlebury,⁵ changes the age to 15 and the property value to 12 pennies.

Legal and cultural context

That thieves caught in the act could legitimately be killed was well established before Æthelstan; however, he insisted ‘on a stricter implementation of existing punishments’, as Tom Lambert notes in his study, Law & Order in Anglo-Saxon England (Lambert, p. 175).

After first granting an amnesty for thieves (seen in the Exeter Code, which also appears in Textus Roffensis), ‘such that those who committed theft could for a specified period compensate their victims without suffering any punishment’, the king, at Thunderfield (Surrey), ushered in what Lambert calls ‘the dawn of a new, distinctly merciless order’ (Lambert, p. 175). The Thunderfield Code states:

And if there is a thief who has committed theft since the council was held at Thunderfield, and is still engaged in thieving, he shall in no way be judged worthy of life, neither by claiming protection nor by making monetary payment, if the charge is truly substantiated against him – whether it is a freeman or a slave, a noble or commoner, or, if it is a woman, whether she is a mistress or maid – whosoever it may be, whether taken in the act or not taken in the act, if it is known for certainty [sic] – that is if he shall not make a statement of denial – or if the charge is proved in the ordeal, or if his guilt becomes known in any other way. (Lambert, pp. 175-76.)

The extension of execution to those not caught in the act was radical. And the removal of protection and monetary compensation was brutal. This is the context, then, in which the Whittlebury modification falls.

Æthelstan’s punishment of those who committed thievery was, indeed, ‘distinctly merciless’. However, we learn from the modification that the king found the execution of persons ‘so young’ – as young as twelve – and for ‘so little’ – as little as eight pennies – just a little uncomfortable. It seemed to him ‘too cruel’, we are told.

Lest, however, we are tempted to think of Æthelstan as a kind-hearted ruler, the modification still allowed for the killing of children younger than fifteen in certain circumstances, namely, where they put up a fight in resisting capture or attempted to flee.

If the child had his life spared, he was either to be imprisoned or his family were to redeem him with the full value of his wergild, that is, the legal price of his life, which was something every free person was granted according to their rank. Unfortunately, should the wergild payment not be forthcoming – perhaps the family could not afford it – then the child had to become enslaved.

Upholding peace

We may wonder why punishment for theft was so disproportionate and brutal. In the broader context of law and order in the centuries before the Norman Conquest of England, the treatment of thievery is a complex subject that merits more than a few sentences. However, we might summarise one key reason for the legislating of harsh punishment for thieves by referring to the final words of this modification law, in which King Æthelstan states: ‘If we uphold it thus, then I trust to God that our peace [‘frið’] will be better than it was before’.

The peace here alluded to might be best understood as communal – ‘our peace’ – the peaceful state of all the people, the whole kingdom. In Anglo-Saxon laws the supressing of theft is closely associated with this peace, as if there were a collective responsibility to remove the tyranny of thieves (see Lambert, pp. 207-210). We may thus read the ‘evermore frightening punishments’ for thieves (Lambert, p. 210) as an attempt at deterrence, and as the king taking the lead in upholding the peace of the kingdom.

At some point in its transmission the modification text was appended to another of Æthelstan’s law codes, also unique to Textus, which was issued at London, sometime after Thunderfield. You will notice that it begins with ‘Twelfthly’, following on from the previous eleven sections in the London Code.

Transcription

92v (select folio number to open facsimile)

_Twelfte, þæt se cyng cwæð nu eft at witlanby-
rig to his witan, ⁊ het cyðan þam arcebiscope be þeo-
drede biscop, þæt him to hreowlic þuhte, þæt man
swa geongne man cwealde oððe eft for swa
lytlan swa he geaxod hæfde, þæt man gehwær dyde.
Cwæð þa þæt him þuhte, ⁊ þam þe he hit wiðrædde,
þæt man nænne gingran mann ne sloge þonne xv.
wintre man, buton he hine werian wolde, oððe
fleoge, ⁊ on hand gan nolde, þæt hine man þonne
lede, swa æt maran, swa æt læssan, swa hwæðer
hit þonne wære. ⁊ gif he þonne on hand gan
wille, þonne do hine man on carcern, swa

93r

hit æt greatanlea gecweden wæs, ⁊ hine be þam
ylcan lynige.⁶ Oððe gif he in carcern ne cume,
⁊ man nan næbbe, þæt hi hine niman be his ful-
lan were on borh, þæt he æfre ma ælces yfeles
geswice. Gif seo mægð him ut niman nelle,
ne him on borh gan, þonne swerige he swa him
bisceop tæce, þæt he ælces yfeles geswycan wille,
⁊ stande on þeowete be his were. Gif he þonne
ofer þæt stalie, slea man hine, oððe ho, swa man
þa yldran ær dyde. ⁊ se cyng cwæð eac, þæt
man nænne ne sloge for læssan yrfe þonne
xii. pænigas weorð, buton he fleon wille, oððe hine
werian, þæt man ne wandode þonne þeah hit læsse
wære. Gif we hit þus gehealdað, þonne gely-
fe ic to gode, þæt ure frið bið betera, þonne hit
æror wæs.

Translation

See Translation Notes

Twelfthly, that the king now spoke once more to his council at Whittlebury, and made it known to the archbishop,⁷ through Bishop Theodred,⁸ that to him it seemed too cruel that one so young a person should be slain, or for so little, as he had learned was done everywhere.

He then said that it seemed to him, and to those with whom he had discussed it, that one should not slay a young person less than fifteen years old,⁹ unless he wishes to fight,¹⁰ or flees, and does not wish to submit; in that case one may lay him low,¹¹ whether for a greater or lesser [offence], whichever it then might be.

And if, however, he wishes to submit, then one should put him in prison, as it was agreed at Grately, and, according to the same, let him be redeemed.¹²

Or if he does not go to prison, or none is available,¹³ that they take him under surety of his full wergild,¹⁴ that he for evermore cease from all evil.

If the kindred is unwilling to take him out [from prison], or stand surety for him, then he should swear as the bishop directs him, that he will cease from all evil, and he should stand in slavery for his wergild.¹⁵

If then he should steal after that, one should slay or hang him, as one would do with an older person.

And the king also said that one may not slay anyone for less than property worth 12 pennies; unless he wants to flee, or fight, in which case one should not hesitate, even though it were for less.

If we uphold it thus, then I trust to God that our peace will be better than it was before.

Bibliography

Lambert, Tom, Law & Order in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford University Press, 2017).

Lapidge et al, The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Michael Lapidge, John Blair, Simon Keynes, and Donald Scragg (Blackwell Publishing, 1999).

Whitelock, Dorothy, English Historical Documents c.500-1042, second edition (Eyre Methuen/Oxford University Press, 1979).

Websites

Early English Laws, Early English Laws: Home.

Bosworth Toller’s Anglo-Saxon Dictionary online, Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary online (bosworthtoller.com).

Footnotes

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1 Many thanks to Elise Fleming for proofreading the introduction, translation and notes.

2 Æthelstan was regarded as ‘king of the English’ from 927 until his death on 27 October 939. Prior to being king of the unified kingdom of the English, he was recognised as king in Mercia and his brother Ælfweard as king in Wessex, following the death of their father, Edward the Elder on 2 Aug. 924. As Ælfweard did not long survive his father, Æthelstan became king ‘of the Anglo-Saxons’, being consecrated as ‘king of the Anglo-Saxons and of the Danes’ on 4 September 925 (Lapidge et al, p. 514).

3 Whitelock’s date, p. 417.

4 ‘Ærest thæt man ne sparige nænne þeof þe æt hæbbendre handa gefangen sy, ofer xii winter, ⁊ ofer eahta peningas’, Textus Roffensis, folio 33r, opening lines. A full translation of the Grately Code is available on the Textus pages of this website.

5 Whittlebury today is a village in the south of Northamptonshire, close to the border of Buckinghamshire.

6 ‘lynige’ appears to be an error for ‘lysige’, as noted by Felix Liebermann: see Early English Laws: Liebermann edition [accessed 14 December 2022]. The verb, therefore, is lisian ‘to redeem’: see the entry at Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary online (bosworthtoller.com) [accessed 14 December 2022].

7 Wulfhelm, the archbishop of Canterbury, was appointed c. 926; his term ran until his death on 12 February 941.

8 Theodred, the bishop of London, was consecrated between 909 and 926; his term ran until his death, which was between 951 and 953.

9 Literally, ‘less than fifteen winters’.

10 Or, ‘defend himself’; Whitelock, p. 427, gives ‘unless he tried to defend himself’.

11 Or, ‘kill him’; Whitelock, p. 427, gives ‘in that case he was to be struck down’.

12 That is, according to the same agreement at Grately.

13 More literally, ‘or/and one has none’.

14 The ‘they’ here refers to those redeeming the criminal; we can presume this typically would have been the child’s parents or other relatives; see the clause that follows. The wergild (Old English wer is an abbreviated form of wergild) was the established monetary value of a free person’s life according to their rank. This amount would have to be paid in order to redeem the criminal.

15 That is, the child must become a slave in lieu of the unforthcoming wergild payment.

Dr Christopher Monk 13/11/2022 Dr Christopher Monk 13/11/2022

Concerning a woman’s betrothal, early 11th century

Be wifmannes beweddung (‘Concerning a woman’s betrothal’) (early-11th-century). Translation from Old English of Textus Roffensis folios 94v-95r by Dr Christopher Monk.

This is a legal formula, probably originally dating to the early eleventh century, that establishes the prenuptial rights of a betrothed woman in England in the decades before the Norman Conquest, including her property entitlement on the death of her husband. It also provides us with insights into the betrothal practices of the period, such as the roles of kinsmen for both the woman and the man; and it addresses the obligation to have a priest present at the marriage, not only in order to bless the union but also to ensure the couple are not too closely related.

Transcription

94v (select folio number to open facsimile)

_Gif man mædan Be wifmannes beweddunge.
oððe wif weddian wille, ⁊ hit swa hire, ⁊ freon-
dan gelicige, ðonne is riht ðæt se brydguma
æfter godes rihte, ⁊ æfter woroldgerysnum
ærest behate, ⁊ on wedde sylle ðam ðe hire
forsprecan synd, þæt he on ða wisan hire ge-
ornige ðet he hy æfter godes rihte healdan
wille swa wær his wif sceal, ⁊ aborgian his frind
ðæt. Æfter ðam is witanne hwam ðæt foster-
lean gebyrige, weddige se brydguma eft þæs,
⁊ hit aborgian his frynd. Ðonne syððan cyþe se
brydguma hwæs he hire geunge wið þam ðet heo
his willan geceose, ⁊ hwæs he hire geunge gif
heo læng sy ðonne he. Gif hit swa geforword bið,
þonne is riht ðæt heo sy healfes yrfes wyrðe, ⁊
ealles gif hy cild gemæne habban bute heo eft
wær ceose, trymme he eal mid wedde þæt þæt
he behate, ⁊ aborgian frynd þæt. Gif hy þonne
ælces þinges sammæle beon, ðonne fon magas
to, ⁊ weddian heora magan to wife, ⁊ to rihtlife
ðam ðe hire girnde, ⁊ for to þam borge se ðe ðæs
weddes waldend sy. Gif hy man ðonne ut of
lande lædan wille on oðres þegnes land, ðonne
bið hire ræd ðæt frynd ða forword habban

95r

ðæt hire man nan woh to ne do. ⁊ gif heo gylt
gewyrce ðæt hy moton beon bote nyhst, gif heo
næfð of hwam heo bete[.]¹ æt þam giftan sceal mæsse-
preost beon mid rihte se sceal mid godes bletsun-
ge heora gesomnunge gederian an ealre gesund-
fulnesse. Wel is eac to warnianne ðæt man
wite ðæt hy ðurh mægsibbe to gelænge ne beon,
ðe læs ðe man eft twæme ðæt man ær awoh
tosomne gedydan.

Translation

See Translation Notes

Concerning a woman’s betrothal.

If one wishes to betroth a maiden or woman,² and it is pleasing to her and her kinsmen,³ then it is right that the [prospective] bridegroom, according to God’s laws and to worldly customs, should first make a promise, and give a pledge to those who are her spokespersons, that he desires her in such a way that he shall keep her as his wife, according to God’s law; and his kinsmen are to stand surety for it.

After that, it is to be known to whom the payment for [her] maintenance belongs:⁴ the bridegroom shall give a pledge as before, and his kinsmen stand surety for it.

Then, afterwards, the bridegroom should declare what he would give her should she accept his wish [to marry her], and what he would give her if she outlives him. If it be agreed upon, then it is right that she be worthy of half the property, and all of it if they have a child together, unless she were to choose another man; he should confirm all that he may promise with a pledge; and his kinsmen will stand surety for it.

If they then be in agreement over all these things, then the kin may take and betroth their kinswoman as wife, and to a lawful life, ⁵ to him who desired her, and he who is head of the betrothal shall be granted the surety payment.

If one should then wish to lead her out of the land into another thegn’s land, then it is advisable that kinsmen obtain for her the assurance that no one will do any harm to her; and, if she should commit a wrong, that they be allowed to substitute for paying compensation, if she does not have anything with which to make compensation.

At the marriage there shall be by law a mass-priest, who shall with God’s blessing join them together in all prosperity. It is also well to take heed that one knows that they are not through kinship too close, lest afterwards one must destroy what previously was wrongfully joined together.

Cited works

DMLBS. Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources, available here

DOE. The Dictionary of Old English: A to I; limited free access here

Whitelock, Dorothy, English Historical Documents c.500-1042, second edition (Eyre Methuen/Oxford University Press, 1979).

Footnotes

Use your browsers 'back' button to jump back to the text.

1 Clearly, this is the end of the clause concerning the matter of the bride being taken to a new land. For some reason the scribe has not indicated that a new clause, relating to the marriage ceremony, follows.

2 Implicit, perhaps, is that the ‘woman’ (‘wif’) is a widow; see Whitelock, p. 467.

3 Old English freond, ‘friend’, takes on the sense of ‘kinsman’ in certain contexts. Freond is used in the interlinear gloss of the Lindisfarne Gospels, corresponding to Latin cognatus ‘kinsman or relative by marriage’ (see DOE, frēond, 3; and DMLBS, cognatus, c).

4 The fosterlean, ‘payment for maintenance’ (DOE), appears to refer to a payment by the prospective husband that represents the cost to her parents of bringing up the woman as a child.

5 Whitelock, p. 468, offers ‘in lawful matrimony’.

Jacob Scott 29/09/2022 Jacob Scott 29/09/2022

Confirmation of the privileges of St Andrew’s Priory by Archbishop William de Corbeil, c.1123-1136

Transcription and translation from Latin of Textus Roffensis folio 103r by Jacob Scott (pending review).

No rubric or display initial.

Transcription

Folio

203r (select folio number to open facsimile)

Willelmi dei gratia cantuar archiepiscopus. Fedis
aplice legatur. Omnibus hominibus et amicis
suis ta’ perlatis quam subditis. Cui’ cunque con-
ditionis sint ęcclę filiis salutem, deique benedicti-
onem et suam. Noscant presentes et profuturi me
reddidisse et firmit’ concessisse. et ex parte
dei et beati petri et n’ra uire in concusso hoc
presenti scripto meo confirmasse consilio et affen-
su clericorum et laicorum n’rorum ecclesie sancti An-
dree roffensi et dilecto filio n’ro Iohi’ episcpopo
omnem potestatem et iura episcopalia illi per-
tinentia in maneriis n’ris et clericis et
laicis sui episcopatum sic’ unque meli’ ut honora-
bili’ tenuerit antecessores sui Gundul-
fus ut Arnulfus episcpopi. Testibus hele wis archiepiscopus
cant’. et fulc’ p’ore sancte ofide. et Abel cano-
nico. Alueredo priore sancti gregorii. Rad-
cadus cum multis aliis clericis et laicis
apud canto roberiam.

Translation

William, by the grace of God, Archbishop of Canterbury, read the following pledge. To all men and their friends in the areas in which they are subjects. To whom no matter what condition, those things are sufficient for the children of God and his and his blessing. Let them know that I have repaid and strengthened the present and the advantage to have granted them. and on the part of God and blessed Peter and n'ra, in concusso my present writings, the council of the clergy and the laity of n’rorum church of Saint Andrew in Rochester and to our beloved Bishop John all the power and episcopal rights that pertain to him in the manors, n’ris[?], clergy, and laymen of his bishops sic’ always meli’ that that Gundulf held as honorable as his predecessors, like Arnulf the bishop. Witnessed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and fulc’ p’ore sce’ ofide, and Abel the canon. Aleredo the Prior of Saint Gregory. Radcad with many other clerics and laymen in Kent roberiam[?].

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Textus Roffensis Jacob Scott 29/09/2022 Textus Roffensis Jacob Scott 29/09/2022

Confirmation of the privileges of St Andrew’s Priory by Archbishop Theobald of Bec, c.1139

Translation from Latin of Textus Roffensis, folios 131r-132r by Jacob Scott (pending review).

Transcription

204v (select folio number to open facsimile)

TEODBALDUS gratia dei cantuar archiepiescopus et to-
tius britannię primas omnibus sancte ęcclessię
fidelibus salutem. Notum uobus e’e’ uolo quod omnibus
donationes et concessiones omnium mane-
riorum et omnium terrarum . et omnium ęcclessiaru-
cum omnibus redditibus et rectitudibus suis .
et omnium decimarum quę hactenus concessę
et donatę st’ ęcclessę sancti ANDREĘ apli’ quę sita
est in ciuitate roucestra aquilibus cunq;
fiue regibus five arep’is uel epis seu comi-
tibus seu aliis quibus libet hui regni nobilibus
concessę sint aut donatę . ego teodbaldus
gratia dei cantuar arep’s et toti’ britannię primas
auctoritate m’ a deo collata . omnimodo
ratas et in perpetuum stabiles e’e’ confirmo.
Et eas nominatim quas GUNDVLFUS illi’
ęcclessę episcopus ut ad usum monachorum illorum
qui in eadem ęcclessia domino xp’o et prędicto aplo
deuote famulantur permaneant ordi-
nauit : ego eidem ęcclę et eisdem monachis
uire ęternę hęreditaus habendas et libe
atq: quiete confirmo possidendas. Et
sicut ipse pręnominat’ episcopus qui ęccl’am
illa’ fundauit et monachos illos illic

205r

congregauit . et ipsa maneria et terras q’s
insuo dominico habebat . ipsis monachis a
suo p’po uictu

Translation

THEOBALD, by the grace of God, Archbishop of Canterbury, and all the people of Britain, all the faithful of the holy church greetings. I want to make known to you all the gifts and concessions of all the manors and all the lands. and all the church and all rents and righteousnesses, and of all the tithes that have hitherto been given and donated to Saint Andrew's situated in the city of Rochester, aquilib' cunq; to the five kings, five arepis or bishops or counts or to others whom they pleased were granted or given to the nobles of this kingdom. I, Theobald, by the grace of God, can sing arep's and all Britannia's foremost authority given to me by God, in every way approved and permanently stable by him confirmed.

And those in particular which Gundulf, the bishop of that place, ordered to continue for the use of those monks who in the same place serve the lord Christ to be held as an heir and to be possessed at will; And as he pre-names the bishop who founded that church and gathered those monks there. and she herself had manors and lands that belonged to her own domain. And as he pre-names the bishop who founded that church and those monks there gathered, and she herself had manors and lands that belonged to her own domain. the monks themselves were defeated by their pope.

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